Eugen Hill
Biographic Data
| ID | 3843331 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Eugen Hill |
| GIVEN NAMES | Eugen |
| FAMILY NAME | Hill |
| SIGNATURE | HILL E |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Cologne |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-2252-0520 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 16 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 1 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 16 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2007 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 1 |
The New Indo-Aryan b -future and the early Middle Indo-Aryan of Aśokan inscriptions
The paper is aimed at clarifying the phonology of the b- future evolvement in the eastern part of the New Indo-Aryan language area. Traditionally the New Indo-Aryan b- future is assumed to reflect the Old Indo-Aryan gerundive formed with -(i)tavya- . However, the suffix -(i)tavya- is believed to have secondarily developed into -(i)taviya- preciselly in the eastern part of early Middle Indo-Aryan according to the evidence provided by late 3 rd c. …
On contraction and compensatory lengthening in Baltic ē -stems
This paper deals with those verbal and nominal ē-stems of Baltic which exhibit a secondary lengthening of short vowels in the root and/or a secondary metatony in acute long vowels or diphthongs. These are a particular class of ē-preterits as well as feminine abstract nouns based on adjectives and verbs. In both cases, the stem formative is traditionally explained as having arisen from a more ancient post-consonantal *-ā. This paper argues that b…
From noun to future tense: The functional diachrony of the l -future in the Nuristani languages and its typological background
This article explores a typologically unusual but recurrent evolutionary path of innovated future formations neglected by typological research: the change of predicative deverbal nouns (understood here in the broad sense of any deverbal nominal expression/formation) – namely agent nouns and participles – denoting actions typical of referents to future verb-forms via hypoanalysis. Starting with an overview of typologically recurrent ways of creati…
Establishing the Age of the Latvian Debitive Mood: The Evidence of Latgalian
This article attempts to determine the age of the Latvian debitive mood with the help of a systematic investigation of its attestation in Latgalian, the variety of High Latvian dialects spoken in Latgale. While the debitive in older Standard and Central Latvian sources has been studied extensively, the debitive in older Latgalian sources has not met with equivalent interest yet. It is against this backdrop that, for the first time, the present ar…
Insights into the diachrony of the East Baltic subjunctive mood
This article intends to shed light on the diachrony of the subjunctive mood (also labelled optative or conditional) in the two East Baltic languages Latvian and Lithuanian. It is demonstrated to what extent the subjunctive paradigms in both languages – especially Old Lithuanian, Old Latvian and modern Lithuanian dialects – reflect original source constructions based on infinitival verb-formations, namely the supine (e. g. Lith dúo-tų, Latv duô-tu…
The origin of the Lithuanian illative
The paper deals with the origin of the Lithuanian illative case. The illative, found in Lithuanian since the very begin of its text records in the early 16th c., is a recent formation which, in the given form, may have emerged as late as after the disintegration of Proto-East-Baltic. In both numbers the illative case-forms of Lithuanian nouns emerged out of directional adverbs, which were in turn based on adverbially used case-forms of nouns. The…
Analogy in inflectional change: Modification or whole-word replacement
With regard to change in inflection, historical linguistics fundamentally relies on the concept of morphological analogy, which is held responsible for nearly all change not attributable to phonological factors. Despite its central importance, how morphological analogy operates has never been established. Two different opinions are held in contemporary linguistics. The first position assumes that morphological analogy modifies inherited inflectio…
The Development of Prefixation in Time and Space: Ditropic Clitics and Prosodic Realignment in Dialects of Indo‐European
The paper argues that seemingly aberrant phonological developments of local adverbs that have become prepositions and verbal and nominal prefixes in Baltic, Germanic and Armenian are to be explained by the assumption of a phase of ‘ditropic’ behaviour: ‘ditropic clitics’ select as their prosodic host any stressed word preceding their syntactic host without forming a semantic unit. This enclitic behaviour of forms that in the historically attested…
West Germanic monosyllabic lengthening and Gothic breaking as partially Proto-Germanic developments: The evidence of pronominal place adverbs ‘here’, ‘where’ and ‘there’
The paper deals with two Germanic sound changes which are traditionally believed to postdate the disintegration of the Proto-Germanic parent language. The lengthening in several monosyllables, attested in West Germanic languages, is usually believed to be an innovation of this branch. The so-called Gothic breaking is similarly thought of as belonging exclusively to East Germanic. The paper shows that there is evidence suggesting a Proto-Germanic …
Suppletion Replication in Grammaticalization and Its Triggering Factors
The paper tries to account for several instances of emerging suppletion by establishing a cross-linguistic tendency of suppletion replication in grammaticalization. It can be shown that words which acquire new grammatical functions and therefore enter a different class of lexemes tend to copy suppletion patterns already present in other members of this class. This development can be triggered by factors of different nature, either internal to the…
Rezensionsexemplare
Historical phonology in service of subgrouping. Two laws of final syllables in the common prehistory of Baltic and Slavonic
The traditionally assumed intermediate Balto-Slavonic stage after the break up of Proto-Indo-European can be additionally supported by two highly specific and thus potentially exclusive developments at the end of a word. The first development is the loss of the PIE word-final short *i after a long vowel followed by a labial consonant. This sound change must have occurred later than the secondary shortening of long vowels before word-final PIE *m …
Die Entwicklung von *u vor unsilbischem *i in den indogermanischen Sprachen Nord- und Mitteleuropas: Die Stammsuppletion bei u -Adjektiven und das Präsens von"sein"
Preview this article: Die Entwicklung von *u vor unsilbischem *i in den indogermanischen Sprachen Nord- und Mitteleuropas: Die Stammsuppletion bei u-Adjektiven und das Präsens von"sein", Page 1 of 1 /docserver/preview/fulltext/nowele.64-65.02hil-1.gif
A case study in grammaticalized inflectional morphology: Origin and development of the Germanic weak preterite
This paper deals with one of the oldest and most controversial problems in the historical morphology of the Germanic branch of Indo-European: the origin and historical development of the so-called ‘weak preterite’. In Germanic, the weak preterite is the only means of forming the preterite tense of a derived verb. In spite of two hundred years of research into the weak preterite and a large number of hypotheses concerning its origin, it is not eve…
Die Präferenztheorie in der historischen Phonologie aus junggrammatischer Perspektive
The paper deals with the so-called Preference Theory developed in the works of Theo Vennemann and Robert Murray within the scope of historical phonology. The first part of the paper examines the constituting assumptions and claims of the theory. The goal of the preference-based historical phonology – uncovering the motivation for sound changes which the Neogrammarian methodology can merely describe – will be achieved only if the universal prefere…
Proportionale Analogie, paradigmatischer Ausgleich und Formerweiterung: Ein Beitrag zur Typologie des morphologischen Wandels
Traditionally three independent types of analogical change in inflectional paradigms are distinguished: proportional analogy, paradigmatic leveling and analogical extension. However, the investigation of the data reveals that out of these types only that of proportional analogy can be empirically verified, being supported by clear evidence from languages with well documented history. Moreover, as shown by data from Russian, Old High German dialec…
Analogy in inflectional change: Modification or whole-word replacement
With regard to change in inflection, historical linguistics fundamentally relies on the concept of morphological analogy, which is held responsible for nearly all change not attributable to phonological factors. Despite its central importance, how morphological analogy operates has never been established. Two different opinions are held in contemporary linguistics. The first position assumes that morphological analogy modifies inherited inflectio…
Proportionale Analogie, paradigmatischer Ausgleich und Formerweiterung: Ein Beitrag zur Typologie des morphologischen Wandels
Traditionally three independent types of analogical change in inflectional paradigms are distinguished: proportional analogy, paradigmatic leveling and analogical extension. However, the investigation of the data reveals that out of these types only that of proportional analogy can be empirically verified, being supported by clear evidence from languages with well documented history. Moreover, as shown by data from Russian, Old High German dialec…
Die Präferenztheorie in der historischen Phonologie aus junggrammatischer Perspektive
The paper deals with the so-called Preference Theory developed in the works of Theo Vennemann and Robert Murray within the scope of historical phonology. The first part of the paper examines the constituting assumptions and claims of the theory. The goal of the preference-based historical phonology – uncovering the motivation for sound changes which the Neogrammarian methodology can merely describe – will be achieved only if the universal prefere…
A case study in grammaticalized inflectional morphology: Origin and development of the Germanic weak preterite
This paper deals with one of the oldest and most controversial problems in the historical morphology of the Germanic branch of Indo-European: the origin and historical development of the so-called ‘weak preterite’. In Germanic, the weak preterite is the only means of forming the preterite tense of a derived verb. In spite of two hundred years of research into the weak preterite and a large number of hypotheses concerning its origin, it is not eve…
Die Entwicklung von *u vor unsilbischem *i in den indogermanischen Sprachen Nord- und Mitteleuropas: Die Stammsuppletion bei u -Adjektiven und das Präsens von"sein"
Preview this article: Die Entwicklung von *u vor unsilbischem *i in den indogermanischen Sprachen Nord- und Mitteleuropas: Die Stammsuppletion bei u-Adjektiven und das Präsens von"sein", Page 1 of 1 /docserver/preview/fulltext/nowele.64-65.02hil-1.gif
Historical phonology in service of subgrouping. Two laws of final syllables in the common prehistory of Baltic and Slavonic
The traditionally assumed intermediate Balto-Slavonic stage after the break up of Proto-Indo-European can be additionally supported by two highly specific and thus potentially exclusive developments at the end of a word. The first development is the loss of the PIE word-final short *i after a long vowel followed by a labial consonant. This sound change must have occurred later than the secondary shortening of long vowels before word-final PIE *m …
Rezensionsexemplare
Suppletion Replication in Grammaticalization and Its Triggering Factors
The paper tries to account for several instances of emerging suppletion by establishing a cross-linguistic tendency of suppletion replication in grammaticalization. It can be shown that words which acquire new grammatical functions and therefore enter a different class of lexemes tend to copy suppletion patterns already present in other members of this class. This development can be triggered by factors of different nature, either internal to the…
West Germanic monosyllabic lengthening and Gothic breaking as partially Proto-Germanic developments: The evidence of pronominal place adverbs ‘here’, ‘where’ and ‘there’
The paper deals with two Germanic sound changes which are traditionally believed to postdate the disintegration of the Proto-Germanic parent language. The lengthening in several monosyllables, attested in West Germanic languages, is usually believed to be an innovation of this branch. The so-called Gothic breaking is similarly thought of as belonging exclusively to East Germanic. The paper shows that there is evidence suggesting a Proto-Germanic …
The Development of Prefixation in Time and Space: Ditropic Clitics and Prosodic Realignment in Dialects of Indo‐European
The paper argues that seemingly aberrant phonological developments of local adverbs that have become prepositions and verbal and nominal prefixes in Baltic, Germanic and Armenian are to be explained by the assumption of a phase of ‘ditropic’ behaviour: ‘ditropic clitics’ select as their prosodic host any stressed word preceding their syntactic host without forming a semantic unit. This enclitic behaviour of forms that in the historically attested…
The origin of the Lithuanian illative
The paper deals with the origin of the Lithuanian illative case. The illative, found in Lithuanian since the very begin of its text records in the early 16th c., is a recent formation which, in the given form, may have emerged as late as after the disintegration of Proto-East-Baltic. In both numbers the illative case-forms of Lithuanian nouns emerged out of directional adverbs, which were in turn based on adverbially used case-forms of nouns. The…
Analogy in inflectional change: Modification or whole-word replacement
With regard to change in inflection, historical linguistics fundamentally relies on the concept of morphological analogy, which is held responsible for nearly all change not attributable to phonological factors. Despite its central importance, how morphological analogy operates has never been established. Two different opinions are held in contemporary linguistics. The first position assumes that morphological analogy modifies inherited inflectio…
Insights into the diachrony of the East Baltic subjunctive mood
This article intends to shed light on the diachrony of the subjunctive mood (also labelled optative or conditional) in the two East Baltic languages Latvian and Lithuanian. It is demonstrated to what extent the subjunctive paradigms in both languages – especially Old Lithuanian, Old Latvian and modern Lithuanian dialects – reflect original source constructions based on infinitival verb-formations, namely the supine (e. g. Lith dúo-tų, Latv duô-tu…
From noun to future tense: The functional diachrony of the l -future in the Nuristani languages and its typological background
This article explores a typologically unusual but recurrent evolutionary path of innovated future formations neglected by typological research: the change of predicative deverbal nouns (understood here in the broad sense of any deverbal nominal expression/formation) – namely agent nouns and participles – denoting actions typical of referents to future verb-forms via hypoanalysis. Starting with an overview of typologically recurrent ways of creati…
Establishing the Age of the Latvian Debitive Mood: The Evidence of Latgalian
This article attempts to determine the age of the Latvian debitive mood with the help of a systematic investigation of its attestation in Latgalian, the variety of High Latvian dialects spoken in Latgale. While the debitive in older Standard and Central Latvian sources has been studied extensively, the debitive in older Latgalian sources has not met with equivalent interest yet. It is against this backdrop that, for the first time, the present ar…
On contraction and compensatory lengthening in Baltic ē -stems
This paper deals with those verbal and nominal ē-stems of Baltic which exhibit a secondary lengthening of short vowels in the root and/or a secondary metatony in acute long vowels or diphthongs. These are a particular class of ē-preterits as well as feminine abstract nouns based on adjectives and verbs. In both cases, the stem formative is traditionally explained as having arisen from a more ancient post-consonantal *-ā. This paper argues that b…
The New Indo-Aryan b -future and the early Middle Indo-Aryan of Aśokan inscriptions
The paper is aimed at clarifying the phonology of the b- future evolvement in the eastern part of the New Indo-Aryan language area. Traditionally the New Indo-Aryan b- future is assumed to reflect the Old Indo-Aryan gerundive formed with -(i)tavya- . However, the suffix -(i)tavya- is believed to have secondarily developed into -(i)taviya- preciselly in the eastern part of early Middle Indo-Aryan according to the evidence provided by late 3 rd c. …
Linguistics and language evolution (13 works) · Philosophy (13 works) · Linguistics (12 works) · History (10 works) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (6 works) · Computer Science (5 works) · Lexicography and Language Studies (5 works) · Mathematics (4 works) · Phonology (4 works) · German (3 works)