Doreen Georgi
Biographic Data
| ID | 3850804 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Doreen Georgi |
| GIVEN NAMES | Doreen |
| FAMILY NAME | Georgi |
| SIGNATURE | GEORGI D |
| VERIFIED | No |
| TOTAL WORKS | 8 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 61 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 8 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2010 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2021 |
| H-INDEX | 4 |
On optional wh-/focus fronting in Igbo: A SYN-SEM-PHON interaction
This paper discusses surface optionality in focus fronting in the Benue-Congo language Igbo. A focused XP can occur in-situ or ex-situ. We argue that the optionality does not have its origins in the syntax: in fact, exactly one focused XP has to move to the designated focus position in the left periphery in the syntax. The alternation between in-situ and ex-situ rather arises at PF: either the lowest or the topmost copy of the focus chain is pron…
Subject marking in Awing
This paper investigates the principles that govern subject marking in Awing (Grassfields Bantu). We observe that the subject marker (SM) that doubles the subject is sometimes obligatory, sometimes optional and sometimes prohibited. We argue that it is the referentiality of the subject that controls the distribution of the SM in Awing, rather than factors such as its morpho-syntactic features or its information structural status, which have been i…
Patterns of Movement Reflexes as the Result of the Order of Merge and Agree
In this article, I analyze patterns of reflexes of Ā-movement found within and across languages: reflexes may occur in all or none of the clauses of the dependency, in the clause where the dependency terminates, or solely in clauses where it does not terminate. I argue that the variation can best be captured by the variable timing of Agree and two subtypes of internal Merge (final vs. intermediate movement steps) triggered by a single head: early…
Ergatives Move Too Early: On an Instance of Opacity in Syntax
We examine the ban on Ā-movement of the external argument of a transitive verb that holds in many morphologically ergative languages. We argue that the prohibition against movement of the ergative subject should not be derived from restrictions on the movement of the ergative DP. Rather, we suggest that movement of the ergative argument is per se unproblematic, but if it applies, it applies too early and thereby creates problems for its absolutiv…
Case stacking below the surface: On the possessor case alternation in Udmurt
In this paper we investigate the case split on the possessor in Udmurt. Traditionally, the choice between ablative and genitive possessor case is said to be driven by the grammatical function (GF) of the XP containing the possessor. We argue that the case split is not driven by GFs; rather, it is determined by the case value of the XP that contains the possessor. Importantly, there is no evidence which points to a possessor raising analysis in Ud…
A relativized probing approach to person encoding in local scenarios
In this paper I discuss three empirical generalizations about local scenarios: (i) four different realization strategies found cross-linguistically, (ii) an asymmetry in the number of arguments encoded on the verb in languages with person hierarchy-effects in non-local scenarios and (iii) the fact that person portmanteaux are particularly prominent in local scenarios. I claim that all three generalizations can be derived if Agree is relativized t…
DP-internal double agreement is not double Agree: Consequences of Agree-based case assignment within DP
Noun-Phrase Structure by Reprojection
In this paper we argue that the concept of reprojection, often applied in the verbal domain, should be extended to the nominal domain. We develop an analysis according to which a moved N does not adjoin to a functional category; rather, it moves out of its projection and remerges with it. This movement is (indirectly) triggered by a certain kind of categorial probe feature that we call a ''Münchhausen feature'' (Fanselow 2003). In this way, conce…
Ergatives Move Too Early: On an Instance of Opacity in Syntax
We examine the ban on Ā-movement of the external argument of a transitive verb that holds in many morphologically ergative languages. We argue that the prohibition against movement of the ergative subject should not be derived from restrictions on the movement of the ergative DP. Rather, we suggest that movement of the ergative argument is per se unproblematic, but if it applies, it applies too early and thereby creates problems for its absolutiv…
Patterns of Movement Reflexes as the Result of the Order of Merge and Agree
In this article, I analyze patterns of reflexes of Ā-movement found within and across languages: reflexes may occur in all or none of the clauses of the dependency, in the clause where the dependency terminates, or solely in clauses where it does not terminate. I argue that the variation can best be captured by the variable timing of Agree and two subtypes of internal Merge (final vs. intermediate movement steps) triggered by a single head: early…
Noun-Phrase Structure by Reprojection
In this paper we argue that the concept of reprojection, often applied in the verbal domain, should be extended to the nominal domain. We develop an analysis according to which a moved N does not adjoin to a functional category; rather, it moves out of its projection and remerges with it. This movement is (indirectly) triggered by a certain kind of categorial probe feature that we call a ''Münchhausen feature'' (Fanselow 2003). In this way, conce…
A relativized probing approach to person encoding in local scenarios
In this paper I discuss three empirical generalizations about local scenarios: (i) four different realization strategies found cross-linguistically, (ii) an asymmetry in the number of arguments encoded on the verb in languages with person hierarchy-effects in non-local scenarios and (iii) the fact that person portmanteaux are particularly prominent in local scenarios. I claim that all three generalizations can be derived if Agree is relativized t…
DP-internal double agreement is not double Agree: Consequences of Agree-based case assignment within DP
Noun-Phrase Structure by Reprojection
In this paper we argue that the concept of reprojection, often applied in the verbal domain, should be extended to the nominal domain. We develop an analysis according to which a moved N does not adjoin to a functional category; rather, it moves out of its projection and remerges with it. This movement is (indirectly) triggered by a certain kind of categorial probe feature that we call a ''Münchhausen feature'' (Fanselow 2003). In this way, conce…
DP-internal double agreement is not double Agree: Consequences of Agree-based case assignment within DP
A relativized probing approach to person encoding in local scenarios
In this paper I discuss three empirical generalizations about local scenarios: (i) four different realization strategies found cross-linguistically, (ii) an asymmetry in the number of arguments encoded on the verb in languages with person hierarchy-effects in non-local scenarios and (iii) the fact that person portmanteaux are particularly prominent in local scenarios. I claim that all three generalizations can be derived if Agree is relativized t…
Case stacking below the surface: On the possessor case alternation in Udmurt
In this paper we investigate the case split on the possessor in Udmurt. Traditionally, the choice between ablative and genitive possessor case is said to be driven by the grammatical function (GF) of the XP containing the possessor. We argue that the case split is not driven by GFs; rather, it is determined by the case value of the XP that contains the possessor. Importantly, there is no evidence which points to a possessor raising analysis in Ud…
Ergatives Move Too Early: On an Instance of Opacity in Syntax
We examine the ban on Ā-movement of the external argument of a transitive verb that holds in many morphologically ergative languages. We argue that the prohibition against movement of the ergative subject should not be derived from restrictions on the movement of the ergative DP. Rather, we suggest that movement of the ergative argument is per se unproblematic, but if it applies, it applies too early and thereby creates problems for its absolutiv…
Patterns of Movement Reflexes as the Result of the Order of Merge and Agree
In this article, I analyze patterns of reflexes of Ā-movement found within and across languages: reflexes may occur in all or none of the clauses of the dependency, in the clause where the dependency terminates, or solely in clauses where it does not terminate. I argue that the variation can best be captured by the variable timing of Agree and two subtypes of internal Merge (final vs. intermediate movement steps) triggered by a single head: early…
On optional wh-/focus fronting in Igbo: A SYN-SEM-PHON interaction
This paper discusses surface optionality in focus fronting in the Benue-Congo language Igbo. A focused XP can occur in-situ or ex-situ. We argue that the optionality does not have its origins in the syntax: in fact, exactly one focused XP has to move to the designated focus position in the left periphery in the syntax. The alternation between in-situ and ex-situ rather arises at PF: either the lowest or the topmost copy of the focus chain is pron…
Subject marking in Awing
This paper investigates the principles that govern subject marking in Awing (Grassfields Bantu). We observe that the subject marker (SM) that doubles the subject is sometimes obligatory, sometimes optional and sometimes prohibited. We argue that it is the referentiality of the subject that controls the distribution of the SM in Awing, rather than factors such as its morpho-syntactic features or its information structural status, which have been i…
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (8 works) · Computer Science (7 works) · Linguistics (7 works) · Philosophy (7 works) · Linguistic Variation and Morphology (4 works) · Natural Language Processing Techniques (4 works) · Philosophy (3 works) · Phonetics and Phonology Research (3 works) · Physics (3 works) · Verb (3 works)