Hidekazu Tanaka
Biographic Data
| ID | 3850834 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Hidekazu Tanaka |
| GIVEN NAMES | Hidekazu |
| FAMILY NAME | Tanaka |
| SIGNATURE | TANAKA H |
| AFFILIATIONS | McGill University |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-7810-2811 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 13 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 36 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 13 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 1997 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2024 |
| H-INDEX | 3 |
Verb echo answers and ellipsis operations
Recent research suggests that verb echo answers (VEAs) to a polar question in Japanese are derived by sluicing: the V head moves to C, and the complement of C, TP, undergoes deletion, stranding the verbal complex in C. Two pieces of evidence are provided for the view: adjunct inclusive interpretation and voice mismatch, neither of which is conclusive, as shown here. One consequence of the sluicing analysis is that VEAs reverse scope. We show that…
Against verb-stranding VP-ellipsis in Japanese
Japanese has a deletion operation, called argument ellipsis, that targets arguments (Oku in A theory of selection and reconstruction in the minimalist program, 1998). The operation does not apply to adjuncts, and thus, adjuncts are unelidable. Funakoshi (J East Asian Linguist 25(2):113–42, 2016), following in the footsteps of Otani and Whitman (Linguist Inquiry 22:345–58, 1991), argues that adjuncts can be elided when V-stranding VP-deletion appl…
Antecedent contained deletion in the domain of a raised object
When a verb takes two complements, the first complement, typically an accusative object, c-commands the second complement, and the second complement can host a relative clause containing antecedent contained deletion (ACD). This simple fact, which, upon careful considerations, reveals that English accusative objects raise to a higher position than previously thought. The theoretical claim is that objects raise to check Case to the outer vP-spec. …
Interrogative slifting in English
Syntactic identity and ellipsis
Under what conditions is ellipsis possible? Fiengo and May (Indices and identity, MIT Press, 1994), Fox (Economy and semantic interpretation, MIT Press, 2000), and Rooth (Ellipsis redundancy and reduction redundancy, 1992), among many others, conclude that syntax plays a role in ellipsis, at least in part. Merchant (The syntax of silence: sluicing, islands, and the theory of ellipsis, Oxford University Press, 2001: p19-25) challenges this view, a…
Voice Mismatch and Syntactic Identity
On the basis of an asymmetry between VP-deletion and pseudogapping, Merchant (2008a) concludes that ellipsis is conditioned by syntax. This article demonstrates that both pseudogapping and VP-deletion potentially allow voice mismatch. The unacceptable cases of voice mismatch in these constructions are attributed to a discourse factor (Kehler 2000, 2002). Nevertheless, since sluicing does not allow voice mismatch (Merchant 2001, 2007) even in the …
Remarks on Beck's Effects
April 01 2003 Remarks on Beck's Effects: Linearity in Syntax Hidekazu Tanaka Hidekazu Tanaka University of Minnesota Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Hidekazu Tanaka University of Minnesota Online Issn: 1530-9150 Print Issn: 0024-3892 © 2003 Massachusetts Institute of Technology2003 Linguistic Inquiry (2003) 34 (2): 314–323. https://doi.org/10.1162/ling.2003.34.2.314 Cite Icon Cite …
Raising to Object out of CP
Kuno (1976) presents arguments for raising to object (RTO) in Japanese. After summarizing his analysis, this article presents additional data supporting RTO. Alternative analyses are also critically examined. The significance of RTO constructions in Japanese is that the RTO complement clause has a complementizer. It is suggested that this is permissible under the theory outlined in Chomsky 2000 if the RTO complement CP may have one A(-adjoined)-p…
Right-Dislocation as scrambling
The present paper shows that Right-Dislocation (RD) in Japanese shares a number of characteristics with scrambling, but nonetheless cannot be identified as rightward scrambling. The proposed solution to this apparent contradiction is that there is no direct syntactic movement of the right-dislocated phrase. Rather, the right-dislocated phrase is a remnant of an extra clause which is deleted (or sluiced) after scrambling. It is therefore concluded…
LF WH-Islands and the Minimal Scope Principle
LF pied-piping of in-situ wh-phrases
Raised Objects and Superiority
April 01 1999 Raised Objects and Superiority In Special Collection: CogNet Hidekazu Tanaka Hidekazu Tanaka McGill University Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Hidekazu Tanaka McGill University Online ISSN: 1530-9150 Print ISSN: 0024-3892 © 1999 Massachusetts Institute of Technology1999 Linguistic Inquiry (1999) 30 (2): 317–325. https://doi.org/10.1162/002438999554093 Cite Icon Cite P…
Invisible Movement in Sika-Nai and the Linear Crossing Constraint
Raising to Object out of CP
Kuno (1976) presents arguments for raising to object (RTO) in Japanese. After summarizing his analysis, this article presents additional data supporting RTO. Alternative analyses are also critically examined. The significance of RTO constructions in Japanese is that the RTO complement clause has a complementizer. It is suggested that this is permissible under the theory outlined in Chomsky 2000 if the RTO complement CP may have one A(-adjoined)-p…
Right-Dislocation as scrambling
The present paper shows that Right-Dislocation (RD) in Japanese shares a number of characteristics with scrambling, but nonetheless cannot be identified as rightward scrambling. The proposed solution to this apparent contradiction is that there is no direct syntactic movement of the right-dislocated phrase. Rather, the right-dislocated phrase is a remnant of an extra clause which is deleted (or sluiced) after scrambling. It is therefore concluded…
Voice Mismatch and Syntactic Identity
On the basis of an asymmetry between VP-deletion and pseudogapping, Merchant (2008a) concludes that ellipsis is conditioned by syntax. This article demonstrates that both pseudogapping and VP-deletion potentially allow voice mismatch. The unacceptable cases of voice mismatch in these constructions are attributed to a discourse factor (Kehler 2000, 2002). Nevertheless, since sluicing does not allow voice mismatch (Merchant 2001, 2007) even in the …
Remarks on Beck's Effects
April 01 2003 Remarks on Beck's Effects: Linearity in Syntax Hidekazu Tanaka Hidekazu Tanaka University of Minnesota Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Hidekazu Tanaka University of Minnesota Online Issn: 1530-9150 Print Issn: 0024-3892 © 2003 Massachusetts Institute of Technology2003 Linguistic Inquiry (2003) 34 (2): 314–323. https://doi.org/10.1162/ling.2003.34.2.314 Cite Icon Cite …
Interrogative slifting in English
Invisible Movement in Sika-Nai and the Linear Crossing Constraint
LF WH-Islands and the Minimal Scope Principle
LF pied-piping of in-situ wh-phrases
Raised Objects and Superiority
April 01 1999 Raised Objects and Superiority In Special Collection: CogNet Hidekazu Tanaka Hidekazu Tanaka McGill University Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Hidekazu Tanaka McGill University Online ISSN: 1530-9150 Print ISSN: 0024-3892 © 1999 Massachusetts Institute of Technology1999 Linguistic Inquiry (1999) 30 (2): 317–325. https://doi.org/10.1162/002438999554093 Cite Icon Cite P…
Right-Dislocation as scrambling
The present paper shows that Right-Dislocation (RD) in Japanese shares a number of characteristics with scrambling, but nonetheless cannot be identified as rightward scrambling. The proposed solution to this apparent contradiction is that there is no direct syntactic movement of the right-dislocated phrase. Rather, the right-dislocated phrase is a remnant of an extra clause which is deleted (or sluiced) after scrambling. It is therefore concluded…
Raising to Object out of CP
Kuno (1976) presents arguments for raising to object (RTO) in Japanese. After summarizing his analysis, this article presents additional data supporting RTO. Alternative analyses are also critically examined. The significance of RTO constructions in Japanese is that the RTO complement clause has a complementizer. It is suggested that this is permissible under the theory outlined in Chomsky 2000 if the RTO complement CP may have one A(-adjoined)-p…
Remarks on Beck's Effects
April 01 2003 Remarks on Beck's Effects: Linearity in Syntax Hidekazu Tanaka Hidekazu Tanaka University of Minnesota Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Hidekazu Tanaka University of Minnesota Online Issn: 1530-9150 Print Issn: 0024-3892 © 2003 Massachusetts Institute of Technology2003 Linguistic Inquiry (2003) 34 (2): 314–323. https://doi.org/10.1162/ling.2003.34.2.314 Cite Icon Cite …
Syntactic identity and ellipsis
Under what conditions is ellipsis possible? Fiengo and May (Indices and identity, MIT Press, 1994), Fox (Economy and semantic interpretation, MIT Press, 2000), and Rooth (Ellipsis redundancy and reduction redundancy, 1992), among many others, conclude that syntax plays a role in ellipsis, at least in part. Merchant (The syntax of silence: sluicing, islands, and the theory of ellipsis, Oxford University Press, 2001: p19-25) challenges this view, a…
Voice Mismatch and Syntactic Identity
On the basis of an asymmetry between VP-deletion and pseudogapping, Merchant (2008a) concludes that ellipsis is conditioned by syntax. This article demonstrates that both pseudogapping and VP-deletion potentially allow voice mismatch. The unacceptable cases of voice mismatch in these constructions are attributed to a discourse factor (Kehler 2000, 2002). Nevertheless, since sluicing does not allow voice mismatch (Merchant 2001, 2007) even in the …
Antecedent contained deletion in the domain of a raised object
When a verb takes two complements, the first complement, typically an accusative object, c-commands the second complement, and the second complement can host a relative clause containing antecedent contained deletion (ACD). This simple fact, which, upon careful considerations, reveals that English accusative objects raise to a higher position than previously thought. The theoretical claim is that objects raise to check Case to the outer vP-spec. …
Interrogative slifting in English
Against verb-stranding VP-ellipsis in Japanese
Japanese has a deletion operation, called argument ellipsis, that targets arguments (Oku in A theory of selection and reconstruction in the minimalist program, 1998). The operation does not apply to adjuncts, and thus, adjuncts are unelidable. Funakoshi (J East Asian Linguist 25(2):113–42, 2016), following in the footsteps of Otani and Whitman (Linguist Inquiry 22:345–58, 1991), argues that adjuncts can be elided when V-stranding VP-deletion appl…
Verb echo answers and ellipsis operations
Recent research suggests that verb echo answers (VEAs) to a polar question in Japanese are derived by sluicing: the V head moves to C, and the complement of C, TP, undergoes deletion, stranding the verbal complex in C. Two pieces of evidence are provided for the view: adjunct inclusive interpretation and voice mismatch, neither of which is conclusive, as shown here. One consequence of the sluicing analysis is that VEAs reverse scope. We show that…
Computer Science (12 works) · Linguistics (12 works) · Philosophy (12 works) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (12 works) · Natural Language Processing Techniques (6 works) · Syntax (6 works) · Language, Discourse, Communication Strategies (5 works) · Verb (5 works) · Mathematics (4 works) · Natural language processing (4 works)