Glyn Hicks
Datos Biográficos
| ID | 3851358 |
|---|---|
| NOMBRE | Glyn Hicks |
| NOMBRES | Glyn |
| APELLIDO | Hicks |
| FIRMA | HICKS G |
| AFILIACIONES | University of Southampton |
| ORCID | 0000-0003-4126-8655 |
| VERIFICADO | Sí |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 8 |
| TOTAL DE CITAS | 31 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 7 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 1 |
| PRIMER AÑO DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2008 |
| AÑO MÁS RECIENTE DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2024 |
| ÍNDICE H | 3 |
Feature Reassembly is concerned with syntax, but its main goal is to account for the (second) language acquisition process
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Modelling L1 grammatical attrition through language acquisition
We wish to begin
A model for L1 grammatical attrition
This article proposes a formal model of the human language faculty that accommodates the possibility of ‘attrition’ (modification or loss) of morphosyntactic properties in a first language. Modeling L1 grammatical attrition entails a quite fundamental paradox: if the structure of the language faculty in principle allows for attrition of morphosyntax, why is it apparently so heavily constrained and rarely attested? We demonstrate that the attritio…
Tough ‐Movement
“ Tough ‐movement” describes the putative derivation for a syntactic configuration into which a relatively restricted group of predicates (predominantly in the semantic class of easy / a cinch / hard / tough ) enter, as in John is tough to please . The “ tough ‐construction” has largely eluded satisfactory analysis through successive transformational generative frameworks, which have typically placed importance on relating its derivation to its a…
Adjunct Extraposition
It has been argued that extraposition fromDPis derived differently according to whether a complement or an adjunct is extraposed, with complement extraposition being derived by movement and adjunct extraposition being derived via covert Quantifier Raising (QR) of the hostDPplus Late Merge of the adjunct (Fox & Nissenbaum 1999). We argue that adjunct extraposition is itself derivationally ambiguous and may be derived either by movement of the adju…
Morphology and its interfaces
Tough-Constructions and Their Derivation
This article addresses the syntax of the notorious tough(-movement) construction (TC) in English. TCs exhibit a range of apparently contradictory empirical properties suggesting that their derivation involves the application of both A-movement and Ā-movement operations. Within previous principles-and-parameters models, TCs have remained "unexplained and in principle unexplainable" (Holmberg 2000:839) because of incompatibility with constraints on…
Why the Binding Theory Doesn't Apply at LF
This article argues that the relegation of the binding theory to the C-I interface (LF) is theoretically undesirable and empirically unwarranted. Recent Minimalist research has sought to eliminate the binding theory from UG by reducing its conditions to narrow-syntactic operations (Hornstein 2000, 2006; Reuland 2001, 2006; Kayne 2002; Zwart 2002, 2006; Hicks 2006). This approach remains controversial since the canonical Minimalist binding theory …
Tough-Constructions and Their Derivation
This article addresses the syntax of the notorious tough(-movement) construction (TC) in English. TCs exhibit a range of apparently contradictory empirical properties suggesting that their derivation involves the application of both A-movement and Ā-movement operations. Within previous principles-and-parameters models, TCs have remained "unexplained and in principle unexplainable" (Holmberg 2000:839) because of incompatibility with constraints on…
A model for L1 grammatical attrition
This article proposes a formal model of the human language faculty that accommodates the possibility of ‘attrition’ (modification or loss) of morphosyntactic properties in a first language. Modeling L1 grammatical attrition entails a quite fundamental paradox: if the structure of the language faculty in principle allows for attrition of morphosyntax, why is it apparently so heavily constrained and rarely attested? We demonstrate that the attritio…
Why the Binding Theory Doesn't Apply at LF
This article argues that the relegation of the binding theory to the C-I interface (LF) is theoretically undesirable and empirically unwarranted. Recent Minimalist research has sought to eliminate the binding theory from UG by reducing its conditions to narrow-syntactic operations (Hornstein 2000, 2006; Reuland 2001, 2006; Kayne 2002; Zwart 2002, 2006; Hicks 2006). This approach remains controversial since the canonical Minimalist binding theory …
Adjunct Extraposition
It has been argued that extraposition fromDPis derived differently according to whether a complement or an adjunct is extraposed, with complement extraposition being derived by movement and adjunct extraposition being derived via covert Quantifier Raising (QR) of the hostDPplus Late Merge of the adjunct (Fox & Nissenbaum 1999). We argue that adjunct extraposition is itself derivationally ambiguous and may be derived either by movement of the adju…
Why the Binding Theory Doesn't Apply at LF
This article argues that the relegation of the binding theory to the C-I interface (LF) is theoretically undesirable and empirically unwarranted. Recent Minimalist research has sought to eliminate the binding theory from UG by reducing its conditions to narrow-syntactic operations (Hornstein 2000, 2006; Reuland 2001, 2006; Kayne 2002; Zwart 2002, 2006; Hicks 2006). This approach remains controversial since the canonical Minimalist binding theory …
Tough-Constructions and Their Derivation
This article addresses the syntax of the notorious tough(-movement) construction (TC) in English. TCs exhibit a range of apparently contradictory empirical properties suggesting that their derivation involves the application of both A-movement and Ā-movement operations. Within previous principles-and-parameters models, TCs have remained "unexplained and in principle unexplainable" (Holmberg 2000:839) because of incompatibility with constraints on…
Morphology and its interfaces
Tough ‐Movement
“ Tough ‐movement” describes the putative derivation for a syntactic configuration into which a relatively restricted group of predicates (predominantly in the semantic class of easy / a cinch / hard / tough ) enter, as in John is tough to please . The “ tough ‐construction” has largely eluded satisfactory analysis through successive transformational generative frameworks, which have typically placed importance on relating its derivation to its a…
Adjunct Extraposition
It has been argued that extraposition fromDPis derived differently according to whether a complement or an adjunct is extraposed, with complement extraposition being derived by movement and adjunct extraposition being derived via covert Quantifier Raising (QR) of the hostDPplus Late Merge of the adjunct (Fox & Nissenbaum 1999). We argue that adjunct extraposition is itself derivationally ambiguous and may be derived either by movement of the adju…
A model for L1 grammatical attrition
This article proposes a formal model of the human language faculty that accommodates the possibility of ‘attrition’ (modification or loss) of morphosyntactic properties in a first language. Modeling L1 grammatical attrition entails a quite fundamental paradox: if the structure of the language faculty in principle allows for attrition of morphosyntax, why is it apparently so heavily constrained and rarely attested? We demonstrate that the attritio…
Modelling L1 grammatical attrition through language acquisition
We wish to begin
Feature Reassembly is concerned with syntax, but its main goal is to account for the (second) language acquisition process
Preview this article: Feature Reassembly is concerned with syntax, but its main goal is to account for the (second) language acquisition process, Page 1 of 1 /docserver/preview/fulltext/lab.23059.dom-1.gif
Computer Science (8 obras) · Linguistics (7 obras) · Philosophy (7 obras) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (6 obras) · Mathematics (5 obras) · Natural Language Processing Techniques (4 obras) · Philosophy (4 obras) · Language Development and Disorders (3 obras) · Syntax (3 obras) · Artificial Intelligence (2 obras)