Shoon Murray
Dados Biográficos
| ID | 3876368 |
|---|---|
| NOME | Shoon Murray |
| PRENOMES | Shoon |
| SOBRENOME | Murray |
| ASSINATURA | MURRAY S |
| AFILIAÇÕES | American University |
| VERIFICADO | Não |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 14 |
| TOTAL DE CITAÇÕES | 59 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 13 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 1 |
| PRIMEIRO ANO DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 1992 |
| ANO MAIS RECENTE DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 2017 |
| ÍNDICE H | 5 |
The “Rally-'Round-the-Flag” Phenomenon and the Diversionary Use of Force
The observation that groups unify in the face of common threats is long-standing. At the level of the nation-state, this is called the “rally-'round-the-flag” phenomenon. In the case of the United States, the rally phenomenon is measured as a surge of public approval for the president when the nation is involved in an international crisis. Two hypotheses have been offered for why this surge of support occurs: (1) patriotism, as individuals respon…
Who Governs? Presidents, Public Opinion, and Manipulation
At least since Joe McGinniss’s classic The Selling of the President 1968, political observers have understood that presidents use image-making techniques to get elected and to some extent while governing. Among the many good books written since, Lance Bennett’s News: The Politics of Illusion and Mark Hertsgaard’s On Bended Knee: The Press and the Reagan Presidency are among my favorites. Given this common knowledge, it is surprising that James N.…
The Contemporary Presidency
In a hasty response to the 9/11 attacks, Congress authorized the “war” against al‐Qaeda in a statute known as the 2001 Authorization for the Use of Military Force (AUMF). It was meant to be a temporary grant of powers to allow the president to fight the perpetrators of the attack. This article analyzes how two very different presidents have used the 2001 AUMF to justify controversial policies in ways unforeseen by its congressional makers, result…
Mission Creep
Broadening the Debate about War
In the US context, scholars have demonstrated that public support for military intervention is influenced by the elite debate as presented in the national news media and that the volume of elite criticism reported is largely determined by opposition in Congress. Because the media “index” the debate among officials in Washington, a lively and comprehensive airing of the pros and cons of a military intervention often depends upon Congressional lead…
Private Polls and Presidential Policymaking
Did the Reagan administration disregard majority will when crafting its policy initiatives? Did it cater to a narrow partisan constituency instead? The answers to these questions will help with an assessment of Jacobs and Shapiro’s (2000b) hypothesis that presidents since the late 1970s have used private White House survey research as a tool to manipulate or assuage centrist public opinion while meeting the policy demands of their partisan core s…
Variation in White House Polling Operations
Journal Article Variation in White House Polling Operations: Carter to Clinton Get access SHOON KATHLEEN MURRAY, SHOON KATHLEEN MURRAY Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar PETER HOWARD PETER HOWARD Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Public Opinion Quarterly, Volume 66, Issue 4, February 2002, Pages 527–558, https://doi.org/10.1086/343754 Published: 01 February 2002
Rereading the Public
This is the first installment in what we hope will be a recurring series of Forums in ISP. In each segment we intend to provide an outlet for peer-reviewed dialogue and debate on important topics in the field and to allow our readers to discuss material previously printed in the pages of ISP. Below are two comments on “Challenging U.S. Policymakers' Image of an Isolationist Public” by Steven Kull and Clay Ramsay published in ISP 1:1. Both comment…
The convergence of American elites’ domestic beliefs with their foreign policy beliefs
Contemporary scholarship on elites’ foreign policy beliefs is based upon the implicit assumption that the dimensions underpinning these attitudes are separate and distinct from those which undergird attitudes about domestic politics. Indeed, the dominant conception of Americans’ foreign policy beliefs uses labels to describe dimensions—militant internationalism and cooperative internationalism—which are relevant to international affairs but meani…
Do People Need Foreign Enemies
The authors use the collapse of the Soviet Union to test the hypothesis that some people are psychologically predisposed to “need enemies.” The findings from the 1988-1992 Leadership Opinion Project (LOP) panel data show that those respondents who had been highly suspicious of Soviet motives before the end of the cold war are more likely to view other countries with suspicion and to perceive the international environment as dangerous after the So…
The Role of "Enemy Images" and Ideology of Elite Belief Systems
We use data from the Leadership Opinion Project (LOP), a panel survey of American opinion leaders which brackets the end of the Cold War, to investigate two interrelated questions about the structure of elites' foreign policy beliefs. We assess, first, whether the militant internationalism/cooperative internationalism scheme, developed primarily by Wittkopf (1981, 1990) and Holsti and Rosenau (1990), has continued relevance now that the USSR has …
The End of the Cold War, Attitude Change, and the Politics of Defense Spending
Throughout the Cold War, United States national security policy, and the public attitudes that supported it, seemed anchored in the great ideology and power rivalry with the Soviet Union. A basic component of that policy, the ups and downs of American military spending, was largely predictable by changes in the level of Soviet military spending and by public preferences, as expressed in opinion surveys, for increases or decreases in American mili…
Did Americans' Expectations of Nuclear War Reduce Their Savings
Journal Article Did Americans' Expectations of Nuclear War Reduce Their Savings? Get access Bruce Russett, Bruce Russett Yale University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Jonathan Cowden, Jonathan Cowden University of Miami Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar David Kinsella, David Kinsella University of Missouri—Columbia Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Ac…
Research Note
A procedure is described for turning an elite cross-sectional survey into a panel study — even when no records exist that link individuals to their original questionnaires — and that also protects the respondents' anonymity. This method is used to add a second wave onto the Foreign Policy Leadership Project's 1988 cross-sectional survey. The procedure allows researchers to gather panel data after an unexpected and momentous event, so that they ca…
Variation in White House Polling Operations
Journal Article Variation in White House Polling Operations: Carter to Clinton Get access SHOON KATHLEEN MURRAY, SHOON KATHLEEN MURRAY Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar PETER HOWARD PETER HOWARD Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Public Opinion Quarterly, Volume 66, Issue 4, February 2002, Pages 527–558, https://doi.org/10.1086/343754 Published: 01 February 2002
The Role of "Enemy Images" and Ideology of Elite Belief Systems
We use data from the Leadership Opinion Project (LOP), a panel survey of American opinion leaders which brackets the end of the Cold War, to investigate two interrelated questions about the structure of elites' foreign policy beliefs. We assess, first, whether the militant internationalism/cooperative internationalism scheme, developed primarily by Wittkopf (1981, 1990) and Holsti and Rosenau (1990), has continued relevance now that the USSR has …
The convergence of American elites’ domestic beliefs with their foreign policy beliefs
Contemporary scholarship on elites’ foreign policy beliefs is based upon the implicit assumption that the dimensions underpinning these attitudes are separate and distinct from those which undergird attitudes about domestic politics. Indeed, the dominant conception of Americans’ foreign policy beliefs uses labels to describe dimensions—militant internationalism and cooperative internationalism—which are relevant to international affairs but meani…
Private Polls and Presidential Policymaking
Did the Reagan administration disregard majority will when crafting its policy initiatives? Did it cater to a narrow partisan constituency instead? The answers to these questions will help with an assessment of Jacobs and Shapiro’s (2000b) hypothesis that presidents since the late 1970s have used private White House survey research as a tool to manipulate or assuage centrist public opinion while meeting the policy demands of their partisan core s…
Do People Need Foreign Enemies
The authors use the collapse of the Soviet Union to test the hypothesis that some people are psychologically predisposed to “need enemies.” The findings from the 1988-1992 Leadership Opinion Project (LOP) panel data show that those respondents who had been highly suspicious of Soviet motives before the end of the cold war are more likely to view other countries with suspicion and to perceive the international environment as dangerous after the So…
Broadening the Debate about War
In the US context, scholars have demonstrated that public support for military intervention is influenced by the elite debate as presented in the national news media and that the volume of elite criticism reported is largely determined by opposition in Congress. Because the media “index” the debate among officials in Washington, a lively and comprehensive airing of the pros and cons of a military intervention often depends upon Congressional lead…
Research Note
A procedure is described for turning an elite cross-sectional survey into a panel study — even when no records exist that link individuals to their original questionnaires — and that also protects the respondents' anonymity. This method is used to add a second wave onto the Foreign Policy Leadership Project's 1988 cross-sectional survey. The procedure allows researchers to gather panel data after an unexpected and momentous event, so that they ca…
Rereading the Public
This is the first installment in what we hope will be a recurring series of Forums in ISP. In each segment we intend to provide an outlet for peer-reviewed dialogue and debate on important topics in the field and to allow our readers to discuss material previously printed in the pages of ISP. Below are two comments on “Challenging U.S. Policymakers' Image of an Isolationist Public” by Steven Kull and Clay Ramsay published in ISP 1:1. Both comment…
Did Americans' Expectations of Nuclear War Reduce Their Savings
Journal Article Did Americans' Expectations of Nuclear War Reduce Their Savings? Get access Bruce Russett, Bruce Russett Yale University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Jonathan Cowden, Jonathan Cowden University of Miami Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar David Kinsella, David Kinsella University of Missouri—Columbia Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Ac…
Research Note
A procedure is described for turning an elite cross-sectional survey into a panel study — even when no records exist that link individuals to their original questionnaires — and that also protects the respondents' anonymity. This method is used to add a second wave onto the Foreign Policy Leadership Project's 1988 cross-sectional survey. The procedure allows researchers to gather panel data after an unexpected and momentous event, so that they ca…
The End of the Cold War, Attitude Change, and the Politics of Defense Spending
Throughout the Cold War, United States national security policy, and the public attitudes that supported it, seemed anchored in the great ideology and power rivalry with the Soviet Union. A basic component of that policy, the ups and downs of American military spending, was largely predictable by changes in the level of Soviet military spending and by public preferences, as expressed in opinion surveys, for increases or decreases in American mili…
Did Americans' Expectations of Nuclear War Reduce Their Savings
Journal Article Did Americans' Expectations of Nuclear War Reduce Their Savings? Get access Bruce Russett, Bruce Russett Yale University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Jonathan Cowden, Jonathan Cowden University of Miami Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar David Kinsella, David Kinsella University of Missouri—Columbia Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Ac…
The convergence of American elites’ domestic beliefs with their foreign policy beliefs
Contemporary scholarship on elites’ foreign policy beliefs is based upon the implicit assumption that the dimensions underpinning these attitudes are separate and distinct from those which undergird attitudes about domestic politics. Indeed, the dominant conception of Americans’ foreign policy beliefs uses labels to describe dimensions—militant internationalism and cooperative internationalism—which are relevant to international affairs but meani…
Do People Need Foreign Enemies
The authors use the collapse of the Soviet Union to test the hypothesis that some people are psychologically predisposed to “need enemies.” The findings from the 1988-1992 Leadership Opinion Project (LOP) panel data show that those respondents who had been highly suspicious of Soviet motives before the end of the cold war are more likely to view other countries with suspicion and to perceive the international environment as dangerous after the So…
The Role of "Enemy Images" and Ideology of Elite Belief Systems
We use data from the Leadership Opinion Project (LOP), a panel survey of American opinion leaders which brackets the end of the Cold War, to investigate two interrelated questions about the structure of elites' foreign policy beliefs. We assess, first, whether the militant internationalism/cooperative internationalism scheme, developed primarily by Wittkopf (1981, 1990) and Holsti and Rosenau (1990), has continued relevance now that the USSR has …
Rereading the Public
This is the first installment in what we hope will be a recurring series of Forums in ISP. In each segment we intend to provide an outlet for peer-reviewed dialogue and debate on important topics in the field and to allow our readers to discuss material previously printed in the pages of ISP. Below are two comments on “Challenging U.S. Policymakers' Image of an Isolationist Public” by Steven Kull and Clay Ramsay published in ISP 1:1. Both comment…
Variation in White House Polling Operations
Journal Article Variation in White House Polling Operations: Carter to Clinton Get access SHOON KATHLEEN MURRAY, SHOON KATHLEEN MURRAY Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar PETER HOWARD PETER HOWARD Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Public Opinion Quarterly, Volume 66, Issue 4, February 2002, Pages 527–558, https://doi.org/10.1086/343754 Published: 01 February 2002
Private Polls and Presidential Policymaking
Did the Reagan administration disregard majority will when crafting its policy initiatives? Did it cater to a narrow partisan constituency instead? The answers to these questions will help with an assessment of Jacobs and Shapiro’s (2000b) hypothesis that presidents since the late 1970s have used private White House survey research as a tool to manipulate or assuage centrist public opinion while meeting the policy demands of their partisan core s…
Broadening the Debate about War
In the US context, scholars have demonstrated that public support for military intervention is influenced by the elite debate as presented in the national news media and that the volume of elite criticism reported is largely determined by opposition in Congress. Because the media “index” the debate among officials in Washington, a lively and comprehensive airing of the pros and cons of a military intervention often depends upon Congressional lead…
Mission Creep
The Contemporary Presidency
In a hasty response to the 9/11 attacks, Congress authorized the “war” against al‐Qaeda in a statute known as the 2001 Authorization for the Use of Military Force (AUMF). It was meant to be a temporary grant of powers to allow the president to fight the perpetrators of the attack. This article analyzes how two very different presidents have used the 2001 AUMF to justify controversial policies in ways unforeseen by its congressional makers, result…
Who Governs? Presidents, Public Opinion, and Manipulation
At least since Joe McGinniss’s classic The Selling of the President 1968, political observers have understood that presidents use image-making techniques to get elected and to some extent while governing. Among the many good books written since, Lance Bennett’s News: The Politics of Illusion and Mark Hertsgaard’s On Bended Knee: The Press and the Reagan Presidency are among my favorites. Given this common knowledge, it is surprising that James N.…
The “Rally-'Round-the-Flag” Phenomenon and the Diversionary Use of Force
The observation that groups unify in the face of common threats is long-standing. At the level of the nation-state, this is called the “rally-'round-the-flag” phenomenon. In the case of the United States, the rally phenomenon is measured as a surge of public approval for the president when the nation is involved in an international crisis. Two hypotheses have been offered for why this surge of support occurs: (1) patriotism, as individuals respon…
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