Soo‐hwan Lee
Biographic Data
| ID | 3943142 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Soo‐hwan Lee |
| GIVEN NAMES | Soo‐hwan |
| FAMILY NAME | Lee |
| SIGNATURE | LEE S H |
| AFFILIATIONS | New York University |
| ORCID | 0000-0001-6909-1092 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 6 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 1 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 6 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2020 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 1 |
No escape from syntax
Mugane (1997) identifies two types of individual-denoting nominalizations in Gĩkũyũ (Bantu): the [mu... a]-type and the [mu... i]-type. He argues that the [mu... i]-type nominalizations are phrasal and that the [mu... a]-type nominalizations exhibit a puzzling nature, displaying both lexical and syntactic properties. This study examines Mugane’s characterization, revisiting the notion of a lexicon-syntax divide. Applying Wood’s (2023) Complex Hea…
TP in Oshiwambo subject nominalizations
Subject nominalizations have been argued to be deprived in verbal structure and lack extended verbal projections such as TP (Baker & Vinokurova 2009). We show that TP is realized in Oshiwambo (R20, Bantu) subject nominalizations. Other functional elements associated with passive, causative, and applicative constructions are observed in Oshiwambo subject nominalizations. Anaphor binding is also attested. We further demonstrate that subject nominal…
Subject nominalizations in Setswana
Agent nominalizations of an object-bearing transitive predicate require of-insertion in many languages, including English (e.g., driver *(of ) a truck). Note that the same transitive predicate is not associated with of-insertion in the clausal syntax (e.g., drive (*of ) a truck). This work provides empirical evidence from Setswana (Bantu) and suggests that of-insertion is not necessary in Setswana agent nominalizations and subject nominalizations…
Syntactic negation in Ewe (Tongugbe) agent nominalizations
Drawing on evidence from the scope patterns and the availability of negative polarity item (NPI) licensing of the negation marker ma-, we show that NegP is realized in Ewe (Tongugbe) agentive nominals. We conclude that agentive nominals accommodate sentential negation, posing a challenge to previous assumptions. The implication of this work is that agent nominalizations can be more verb-like than what has been reported in the literature. We furth…
Introducing arguments beyond the thematic domain
Extensive research has focused on how VoiceP (Kratzer 1996), ApplP (Pylkkänen 2008), and i* (Wood & Marantz 2017), an overarching term for Voice and Appl, establish argument structure inside the thematic domain (below TP). A question arises as to whether argument structure can be established outside the thematic domain (above TP). This work provides empirical evidence from Korean in suggesting that an argument can be introduced by Voice/Appl (i*)…
Prosody and EPP in Swahili
The precise motivation for affixation has not been entirely settled. Noyer (1992) and Hankamer & Mikkelsen (2018) argue that the identity of an affix is recognized in syntax-free contexts or in postsyntactic environments. On the other hand, Richards (2010, 2016) proposes a way of identifying affixes by looking into their metrical dependencies initially detected in narrow syntax. Here, I argue alongside Richards (2016) that these suprasegmental fe…
Syntactic negation in Ewe (Tongugbe) agent nominalizations
Drawing on evidence from the scope patterns and the availability of negative polarity item (NPI) licensing of the negation marker ma-, we show that NegP is realized in Ewe (Tongugbe) agentive nominals. We conclude that agentive nominals accommodate sentential negation, posing a challenge to previous assumptions. The implication of this work is that agent nominalizations can be more verb-like than what has been reported in the literature. We furth…
Prosody and EPP in Swahili
The precise motivation for affixation has not been entirely settled. Noyer (1992) and Hankamer & Mikkelsen (2018) argue that the identity of an affix is recognized in syntax-free contexts or in postsyntactic environments. On the other hand, Richards (2010, 2016) proposes a way of identifying affixes by looking into their metrical dependencies initially detected in narrow syntax. Here, I argue alongside Richards (2016) that these suprasegmental fe…
Introducing arguments beyond the thematic domain
Extensive research has focused on how VoiceP (Kratzer 1996), ApplP (Pylkkänen 2008), and i* (Wood & Marantz 2017), an overarching term for Voice and Appl, establish argument structure inside the thematic domain (below TP). A question arises as to whether argument structure can be established outside the thematic domain (above TP). This work provides empirical evidence from Korean in suggesting that an argument can be introduced by Voice/Appl (i*)…
Subject nominalizations in Setswana
Agent nominalizations of an object-bearing transitive predicate require of-insertion in many languages, including English (e.g., driver *(of ) a truck). Note that the same transitive predicate is not associated with of-insertion in the clausal syntax (e.g., drive (*of ) a truck). This work provides empirical evidence from Setswana (Bantu) and suggests that of-insertion is not necessary in Setswana agent nominalizations and subject nominalizations…
Syntactic negation in Ewe (Tongugbe) agent nominalizations
Drawing on evidence from the scope patterns and the availability of negative polarity item (NPI) licensing of the negation marker ma-, we show that NegP is realized in Ewe (Tongugbe) agentive nominals. We conclude that agentive nominals accommodate sentential negation, posing a challenge to previous assumptions. The implication of this work is that agent nominalizations can be more verb-like than what has been reported in the literature. We furth…
TP in Oshiwambo subject nominalizations
Subject nominalizations have been argued to be deprived in verbal structure and lack extended verbal projections such as TP (Baker & Vinokurova 2009). We show that TP is realized in Oshiwambo (R20, Bantu) subject nominalizations. Other functional elements associated with passive, causative, and applicative constructions are observed in Oshiwambo subject nominalizations. Anaphor binding is also attested. We further demonstrate that subject nominal…
No escape from syntax
Mugane (1997) identifies two types of individual-denoting nominalizations in Gĩkũyũ (Bantu): the [mu... a]-type and the [mu... i]-type. He argues that the [mu... i]-type nominalizations are phrasal and that the [mu... a]-type nominalizations exhibit a puzzling nature, displaying both lexical and syntactic properties. This study examines Mugane’s characterization, revisiting the notion of a lexicon-syntax divide. Applying Wood’s (2023) Complex Hea…
Computer Science (4 works) · Linguistics (4 works) · Philosophy (4 works) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (4 works) · Nominalization (3 works) · Syntax (3 works) · Noun (2 works) · Phonetics and Phonology Research (2 works) · Psychology (2 works) · Affix (1 work)