Daniel Sharp
Biographic Data
| ID | 4004886 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Daniel Sharp |
| GIVEN NAMES | Daniel |
| FAMILY NAME | Sharp |
| SIGNATURE | SHARP D |
| AFFILIATIONS | Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-6575-3789 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 22 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 39 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 22 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 1969 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 2 |
What is wrong with denationalization
In recent years, states have expanded their formal legal powers to strip their subjects of citizenship. But should states have the power to revoke citizenship? If so, how may this power be permissibly exercised, and how ought it to be constrained? This article argues that some standard critiques of denationalization face some important limitations. These limitations stem from the fact that these critiques fail to identify the distinctiveness of c…
Equality, expression, and exclusion
This article considers the expressive dimension of Schemmel’s egalitarianism. I first ask some critical questions about the structure of Schemmel’s view. I then argue that Schemmel’s egalitarianism also constrains the state’s interaction with non-members. I conclude by gesturing at some implications of this position.
Immigration and social citizenship in times of crisis
Citizenship regimes are under pressure. Decades of neoliberalism have eroded the social rights that make citizenship into a form of equal membership. Concurrently, democracies have hardened the borders of their citizenship regimes . In this paper, I contend that these two dynamics are interlinked. Based on this diagnosis, I argue that the familiar claim that democracies must choose between broadening and deepening citizenship is, in the long-term…
Immigration and Discrimination
Can States Resist Migration Blackmail While Protecting Migrants
Migration blackmail occurs when one state threatens to engineer a “migration crisis” on the borders of a target state by creating or permitting an irregular migration flow unless political or economic concessions are made by the target state. States may have legitimate interests in resisting migration blackmail. However, migrants have strong interests in accessing international protection and avoiding harm. These goals may seem to stand in tensio…
Beyond Dichotomies
What’s Wrong with Social Hierarchy? On Niko Kolodny’s The Pecking Order
This review critically assesses Niko Kolodny’s theory of social hierarchy and its importance as articulated in The Pecking Order (2023). After summarizing Kolodny’s argument, I raise two critical challenges. First, I ask whether Kolodny leaves us without adequate account of why social hierarchies are, in themselves, objectionable. Second, I query whether Kolodny’s defense of representative democracy is decisive, and suggest that egalitarians shou…
Rights differentiation within the bounds of egalitarian justice
Democratic Empathy and Affective Polarization
Social scientists have observed a sharp rise in affective polarization in many societies, particularly the United States. Since it is widely agreed that this poses a threat to democracy, finding solutions to this predicament is essential. One prominent proposal to depolarize the electorate holds that citizens need to exercise their capacities for empathy with the political opposition. However, defenders of the empathy response to affective polar…
Immigration, Naturalization, and the Purpose of Citizenship
It is widely believed that immigrants, after some time, acquire a claim to naturalize and become citizens of their new state. What explains this claim? Although existing answers (may) succeed in justifying some of immigrants' rights claims, they cannot justify the claim that immigrants are owed the opportunity to naturalize because these theories lack a sufficiently rich account of the purpose of citizenship. To fill this gap, I offer a novel ega…
The Right to Emigrate
It is widely believed that there’s a right to emigrate. But what justifies this right? This paper explores this issue. It first argues that existing defenses of the right to emigrate are incomplete. It then outlines a novel egalitarian defense of the right to emigrate, on which that right is in part justified as a protection against social inequality. After considering objections, it argues that this account of the right to emigrate entails a lim…
What Immigrants Owe
Unlike natural-born citizens, many immigrants have agreed to undertake political obligations. Many have sworn oaths of allegiance. Many, when they entered their adopted country, promised to obey the law. This paper is about these agreements. First, it’s about their validity. Do they actually confer political obligations? Second, it’s about their justifiability. Is it permissible to get immigrants to undertake such political obligations? Our answe…
Democratic citizenship and polarization
This review essay critically discusses Robert Talisse’s account of democracy and polarization. I argue that Talisse overstates the degree to which polarization arises from the good-faith practice of democratic citizenship and downplays the extent to which polarization is caused by elites and exacerbated by social structures; this leads Talisse to overlook structural approaches to managing polarization and leaves his account of how citizens should…
Relational Equality and Immigration
Egalitarians often claim that well-off states’ immigration restrictions create or reinforce objectionable inequality. Standard defenses of this claim appeal to the distributive consequences of exclusion. This article offers a relational egalitarian defense of more open borders. On this view, well-off states’ immigration restrictions are problematic because they accord the citizens of well-off states a troubling form of asymmetric power over the d…
Why citizenship tests are necessarily illiberal
In ‘Are Citizenship Tests Necessarily Illiberal?’, Michael Blake argues that difficult citizenship tests are not necessarily illiberal, so long as they test for the right things. In this paper, I argue that Blake’s attempt to square citizenship tests with liberalism fails. Blake underestimates the burdens citizenship tests impose on immigrants, ignoring in particular the egalitarian claims immigrants have on equal social membership. Moreover, Bla…
Asylum as Reparation
Political philosophers often operate with a primarily humanitarian picture of refugee protection: asylum is seen as an apolitical institution; displacement as an ahistorical phenomenon. In discussing states’ obligations towards refugees, philosophers are frequently either silent on the causes of forced displacement or attribute sole responsibility for displacement to the refugees’ states of origin. Asylum as Reparation offers an important correct…
Immigration and state system legitimacy
Several political philosophers have recently developed novel legitimacy-based theories of migration. These accounts argue that individual states’ legitimacy depends upon their role in a legitimate state system characterized by global cooperation on migration. This review critically assesses these arguments, as articulated by Christopher Bertram, Gillian Brock, and David Owen
Emancipating Transitional Justice from the Bonds of the Paradigmatic Transition
If transitional justice initially emerged as handmaiden to liberal political transitions, it has increasingly become associated with postconflict peacebuilding more generally. While this may suggest a significant moment in the evolution of the field's foundational paradigm, it remains unclear what any emerging 'transitional justice as peacebuilding' narrative might mean in practice and how, if at all, it might differ from what came before. I argu…
Choro
Justice in the Air
Can Cities Prepare for Terrorism
Institutional News
The Adlai Stevenson Institute, founded in 1967, has as its purpose the study of and active participation in the modernization process in developed and undeveloped countries
Emancipating Transitional Justice from the Bonds of the Paradigmatic Transition
If transitional justice initially emerged as handmaiden to liberal political transitions, it has increasingly become associated with postconflict peacebuilding more generally. While this may suggest a significant moment in the evolution of the field's foundational paradigm, it remains unclear what any emerging 'transitional justice as peacebuilding' narrative might mean in practice and how, if at all, it might differ from what came before. I argu…
Immigration and state system legitimacy
Several political philosophers have recently developed novel legitimacy-based theories of migration. These accounts argue that individual states’ legitimacy depends upon their role in a legitimate state system characterized by global cooperation on migration. This review critically assesses these arguments, as articulated by Christopher Bertram, Gillian Brock, and David Owen
Why citizenship tests are necessarily illiberal
In ‘Are Citizenship Tests Necessarily Illiberal?’, Michael Blake argues that difficult citizenship tests are not necessarily illiberal, so long as they test for the right things. In this paper, I argue that Blake’s attempt to square citizenship tests with liberalism fails. Blake underestimates the burdens citizenship tests impose on immigrants, ignoring in particular the egalitarian claims immigrants have on equal social membership. Moreover, Bla…
Beyond Dichotomies
Rights differentiation within the bounds of egalitarian justice
Asylum as Reparation
Political philosophers often operate with a primarily humanitarian picture of refugee protection: asylum is seen as an apolitical institution; displacement as an ahistorical phenomenon. In discussing states’ obligations towards refugees, philosophers are frequently either silent on the causes of forced displacement or attribute sole responsibility for displacement to the refugees’ states of origin. Asylum as Reparation offers an important correct…
Institutional News
The Adlai Stevenson Institute, founded in 1967, has as its purpose the study of and active participation in the modernization process in developed and undeveloped countries
Can Cities Prepare for Terrorism
Justice in the Air
Choro
Emancipating Transitional Justice from the Bonds of the Paradigmatic Transition
If transitional justice initially emerged as handmaiden to liberal political transitions, it has increasingly become associated with postconflict peacebuilding more generally. While this may suggest a significant moment in the evolution of the field's foundational paradigm, it remains unclear what any emerging 'transitional justice as peacebuilding' narrative might mean in practice and how, if at all, it might differ from what came before. I argu…
Immigration and state system legitimacy
Several political philosophers have recently developed novel legitimacy-based theories of migration. These accounts argue that individual states’ legitimacy depends upon their role in a legitimate state system characterized by global cooperation on migration. This review critically assesses these arguments, as articulated by Christopher Bertram, Gillian Brock, and David Owen
What Immigrants Owe
Unlike natural-born citizens, many immigrants have agreed to undertake political obligations. Many have sworn oaths of allegiance. Many, when they entered their adopted country, promised to obey the law. This paper is about these agreements. First, it’s about their validity. Do they actually confer political obligations? Second, it’s about their justifiability. Is it permissible to get immigrants to undertake such political obligations? Our answe…
Democratic citizenship and polarization
This review essay critically discusses Robert Talisse’s account of democracy and polarization. I argue that Talisse overstates the degree to which polarization arises from the good-faith practice of democratic citizenship and downplays the extent to which polarization is caused by elites and exacerbated by social structures; this leads Talisse to overlook structural approaches to managing polarization and leaves his account of how citizens should…
Relational Equality and Immigration
Egalitarians often claim that well-off states’ immigration restrictions create or reinforce objectionable inequality. Standard defenses of this claim appeal to the distributive consequences of exclusion. This article offers a relational egalitarian defense of more open borders. On this view, well-off states’ immigration restrictions are problematic because they accord the citizens of well-off states a troubling form of asymmetric power over the d…
Why citizenship tests are necessarily illiberal
In ‘Are Citizenship Tests Necessarily Illiberal?’, Michael Blake argues that difficult citizenship tests are not necessarily illiberal, so long as they test for the right things. In this paper, I argue that Blake’s attempt to square citizenship tests with liberalism fails. Blake underestimates the burdens citizenship tests impose on immigrants, ignoring in particular the egalitarian claims immigrants have on equal social membership. Moreover, Bla…
Asylum as Reparation
Political philosophers often operate with a primarily humanitarian picture of refugee protection: asylum is seen as an apolitical institution; displacement as an ahistorical phenomenon. In discussing states’ obligations towards refugees, philosophers are frequently either silent on the causes of forced displacement or attribute sole responsibility for displacement to the refugees’ states of origin. Asylum as Reparation offers an important correct…
Democratic Empathy and Affective Polarization
Social scientists have observed a sharp rise in affective polarization in many societies, particularly the United States. Since it is widely agreed that this poses a threat to democracy, finding solutions to this predicament is essential. One prominent proposal to depolarize the electorate holds that citizens need to exercise their capacities for empathy with the political opposition. However, defenders of the empathy response to affective polar…
Immigration, Naturalization, and the Purpose of Citizenship
It is widely believed that immigrants, after some time, acquire a claim to naturalize and become citizens of their new state. What explains this claim? Although existing answers (may) succeed in justifying some of immigrants' rights claims, they cannot justify the claim that immigrants are owed the opportunity to naturalize because these theories lack a sufficiently rich account of the purpose of citizenship. To fill this gap, I offer a novel ega…
The Right to Emigrate
It is widely believed that there’s a right to emigrate. But what justifies this right? This paper explores this issue. It first argues that existing defenses of the right to emigrate are incomplete. It then outlines a novel egalitarian defense of the right to emigrate, on which that right is in part justified as a protection against social inequality. After considering objections, it argues that this account of the right to emigrate entails a lim…
What’s Wrong with Social Hierarchy? On Niko Kolodny’s The Pecking Order
This review critically assesses Niko Kolodny’s theory of social hierarchy and its importance as articulated in The Pecking Order (2023). After summarizing Kolodny’s argument, I raise two critical challenges. First, I ask whether Kolodny leaves us without adequate account of why social hierarchies are, in themselves, objectionable. Second, I query whether Kolodny’s defense of representative democracy is decisive, and suggest that egalitarians shou…
Rights differentiation within the bounds of egalitarian justice
Immigration and Discrimination
Can States Resist Migration Blackmail While Protecting Migrants
Migration blackmail occurs when one state threatens to engineer a “migration crisis” on the borders of a target state by creating or permitting an irregular migration flow unless political or economic concessions are made by the target state. States may have legitimate interests in resisting migration blackmail. However, migrants have strong interests in accessing international protection and avoiding harm. These goals may seem to stand in tensio…
Beyond Dichotomies
What is wrong with denationalization
In recent years, states have expanded their formal legal powers to strip their subjects of citizenship. But should states have the power to revoke citizenship? If so, how may this power be permissibly exercised, and how ought it to be constrained? This article argues that some standard critiques of denationalization face some important limitations. These limitations stem from the fact that these critiques fail to identify the distinctiveness of c…
Equality, expression, and exclusion
This article considers the expressive dimension of Schemmel’s egalitarianism. I first ask some critical questions about the structure of Schemmel’s view. I then argue that Schemmel’s egalitarianism also constrains the state’s interaction with non-members. I conclude by gesturing at some implications of this position.
Immigration and social citizenship in times of crisis
Citizenship regimes are under pressure. Decades of neoliberalism have eroded the social rights that make citizenship into a form of equal membership. Concurrently, democracies have hardened the borders of their citizenship regimes . In this paper, I contend that these two dynamics are interlinked. Based on this diagnosis, I argue that the familiar claim that democracies must choose between broadening and deepening citizenship is, in the long-term…
Political science (17 works) · Law (14 works) · Sociology (13 works) · Politics (10 works) · Law and economics (8 works) · Immigration (7 works) · Political Philosophy and Ethics (7 works) · Migration, Refugees, and Integration (6 works) · Citizenship (5 works) · Law (5 works)