Mohamad Rosyidin
Biographic Data
| ID | 4074974 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Mohamad Rosyidin |
| GIVEN NAMES | Mohamad |
| FAMILY NAME | Rosyidin |
| SIGNATURE | ROSYIDIN M |
| AFFILIATIONS | Diponegoro University |
| ORCID | 0009-0009-8793-6699 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 15 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 24 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 15 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2017 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2025 |
| H-INDEX | 3 |
Major Power Wannabe
Conventional perspectives on military modernization typically emphasize the logic of threats and the influence of domestic factors. However, these existing frameworks frequently neglect the social dimension of military modernization, concentrating instead on the rational calculations involved in decision-making and the effects of strategic culture on policy formulation. This paper fills this gap by proposing an alternative perspective on military…
Reconciling revisionism with the status quo in IR
Norms as a status marker
The Paradox of Asean Security Community
It is generally understood that ASEAN has proclaimed itself as a security community since it has a strong commitment to the culture of peace among its members. ASEAN remains a community of states that puts national interests on the top priority of interstate relations in the region. Therefore, ASEAN members are concerned more about their survival rather than bearing the responsibility to strengthen ASEAN as an institution. Despite the existence o…
Di Bawah Spirit Liberal-Institusionalisme
This article aims to compare two Indonesia’s foreign policy ideas, namely, dynamic equilibrium and the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP). It treats both ideas as an analytical tool instead of propositions to be tested against empirical evidence. Using liberal-institutionalism approach, this article argues that despite both ideas applies in the Indo-Pacific region, both have different characteristics. While dynamic equilibrium can be regard…
Neither promoting nor projecting democracy
Despite the pragmatic character of Indonesian President Joko Widodo’s foreign policy and the regression of the country’s democracy index, Indonesia remains eager for the continuation of Bali Democracy Forum (BDF). This article aims to solve this apparent contradiction using the concept of middle power diplomacy. This article argues that, in contrast to his predecessor, Widodo does not perceive BDF as an instrument to promote or project democracy …
Realisme versus Liberalisme
Realism and liberalism are the most dominant paradigms in the study of International Relations. Both are often positioned diametrically because they have basic assumptions that contradict each other. Even though comparing the two paradigms violates the principle of incommensurability, it doesn't mean it's not useful. This paper attempts to map the two paradigms based on their underlying assumptions. Although in many respects realism and liberalis…
The cult of glory
This article aims to explain the idea of Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) by applying the concept of national myth. In his first term as Indonesia’s president, Joko Widodo, committed to restoring the country’s status as a maritime power, based his government’s foreign policy strategy on the glorious story of the Srivijaya and Majapahit kingdoms that ruled from the seventh to sixteenth centuries ad. Existing literature on the GMF in Indonesia’s moder…
Regionalism under Challenge
Indonesia’s foreign policy under Joko Widodo ‘Jokowi’ has significantly shifted compared with his predecessor’s era, especially regarding policies on regionalism. While former President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono emphasises multilateralism with a particular focus on ASEAN, Jokowi’s administration tends to overlook ASEAN as a multilateral organization. The research investigates the causal root of the tendency by using the concept of ideas in foreign…
Reconciling State’s Sovereignty with Global Norms
In spite of optimistic views on the feasibility of the R2P operationalisation in Southeast Asia, reconciling global norms with regional principles is not an easy task given the cult of sovereignty that inhibits socialisation and implementation of R2P. Using the case study of Indonesia’s foreign policy implementation in Myanmar, this article demonstrates that asean ’s (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) non-interference principle does not nec…
Why states do not impose sanctions
Promoting a home-grown democracy
After the demise of Suharto's New Order dictatorship in 1998, Indonesia has been committed to democratization process. Since then, democracy has become an integral part of Indonesia's foreign policy. As the world's third-largest democracy, Indonesia initiated the Bali Democracy Forum (BDF) in 2008 as an instrument of democracy promotion in the region and beyond. However, the nature of the forum is not to promote democracy by force as exemplified …
The Dao of foreign policy
In the South China Sea, China neither implements power-maximizing policy nor engages a peaceful approach. Instead, China implements both coercion and cooperation in pursuing its strategic interest in the disputed area. How can we explain China’s paradoxical behavior? This article claims that the best way to explain China’s policy in the South China Sea is to understand the character of dualism in China’s strategic culture. Following constructivis…
China’s Strategic Culture and the Challenge of Security Management in the South China Sea Dispute
Foreign policy in changing global politics
Since President Jokowi came to power in October 2014, Indonesia’s foreign policy has undergone fundamental change, most obviously in the state’s emphasis on domestic priorities rather than global engagement. Although Jokowi’s foreign policy has pursued an ‘active’ principle by participating in many international forums, it seems to have overlooked the changing contexts of the geopolitical turn. Asia has been rising and is becoming the geopolitica…
Promoting a home-grown democracy
After the demise of Suharto's New Order dictatorship in 1998, Indonesia has been committed to democratization process. Since then, democracy has become an integral part of Indonesia's foreign policy. As the world's third-largest democracy, Indonesia initiated the Bali Democracy Forum (BDF) in 2008 as an instrument of democracy promotion in the region and beyond. However, the nature of the forum is not to promote democracy by force as exemplified …
Neither promoting nor projecting democracy
Despite the pragmatic character of Indonesian President Joko Widodo’s foreign policy and the regression of the country’s democracy index, Indonesia remains eager for the continuation of Bali Democracy Forum (BDF). This article aims to solve this apparent contradiction using the concept of middle power diplomacy. This article argues that, in contrast to his predecessor, Widodo does not perceive BDF as an instrument to promote or project democracy …
Reconciling State’s Sovereignty with Global Norms
In spite of optimistic views on the feasibility of the R2P operationalisation in Southeast Asia, reconciling global norms with regional principles is not an easy task given the cult of sovereignty that inhibits socialisation and implementation of R2P. Using the case study of Indonesia’s foreign policy implementation in Myanmar, this article demonstrates that asean ’s (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) non-interference principle does not nec…
The Dao of foreign policy
In the South China Sea, China neither implements power-maximizing policy nor engages a peaceful approach. Instead, China implements both coercion and cooperation in pursuing its strategic interest in the disputed area. How can we explain China’s paradoxical behavior? This article claims that the best way to explain China’s policy in the South China Sea is to understand the character of dualism in China’s strategic culture. Following constructivis…
Foreign policy in changing global politics
Since President Jokowi came to power in October 2014, Indonesia’s foreign policy has undergone fundamental change, most obviously in the state’s emphasis on domestic priorities rather than global engagement. Although Jokowi’s foreign policy has pursued an ‘active’ principle by participating in many international forums, it seems to have overlooked the changing contexts of the geopolitical turn. Asia has been rising and is becoming the geopolitica…
Why states do not impose sanctions
China’s Strategic Culture and the Challenge of Security Management in the South China Sea Dispute
China’s Strategic Culture and the Challenge of Security Management in the South China Sea Dispute
Foreign policy in changing global politics
Since President Jokowi came to power in October 2014, Indonesia’s foreign policy has undergone fundamental change, most obviously in the state’s emphasis on domestic priorities rather than global engagement. Although Jokowi’s foreign policy has pursued an ‘active’ principle by participating in many international forums, it seems to have overlooked the changing contexts of the geopolitical turn. Asia has been rising and is becoming the geopolitica…
The Dao of foreign policy
In the South China Sea, China neither implements power-maximizing policy nor engages a peaceful approach. Instead, China implements both coercion and cooperation in pursuing its strategic interest in the disputed area. How can we explain China’s paradoxical behavior? This article claims that the best way to explain China’s policy in the South China Sea is to understand the character of dualism in China’s strategic culture. Following constructivis…
Regionalism under Challenge
Indonesia’s foreign policy under Joko Widodo ‘Jokowi’ has significantly shifted compared with his predecessor’s era, especially regarding policies on regionalism. While former President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono emphasises multilateralism with a particular focus on ASEAN, Jokowi’s administration tends to overlook ASEAN as a multilateral organization. The research investigates the causal root of the tendency by using the concept of ideas in foreign…
Reconciling State’s Sovereignty with Global Norms
In spite of optimistic views on the feasibility of the R2P operationalisation in Southeast Asia, reconciling global norms with regional principles is not an easy task given the cult of sovereignty that inhibits socialisation and implementation of R2P. Using the case study of Indonesia’s foreign policy implementation in Myanmar, this article demonstrates that asean ’s (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) non-interference principle does not nec…
Why states do not impose sanctions
Promoting a home-grown democracy
After the demise of Suharto's New Order dictatorship in 1998, Indonesia has been committed to democratization process. Since then, democracy has become an integral part of Indonesia's foreign policy. As the world's third-largest democracy, Indonesia initiated the Bali Democracy Forum (BDF) in 2008 as an instrument of democracy promotion in the region and beyond. However, the nature of the forum is not to promote democracy by force as exemplified …
The cult of glory
This article aims to explain the idea of Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) by applying the concept of national myth. In his first term as Indonesia’s president, Joko Widodo, committed to restoring the country’s status as a maritime power, based his government’s foreign policy strategy on the glorious story of the Srivijaya and Majapahit kingdoms that ruled from the seventh to sixteenth centuries ad. Existing literature on the GMF in Indonesia’s moder…
Realisme versus Liberalisme
Realism and liberalism are the most dominant paradigms in the study of International Relations. Both are often positioned diametrically because they have basic assumptions that contradict each other. Even though comparing the two paradigms violates the principle of incommensurability, it doesn't mean it's not useful. This paper attempts to map the two paradigms based on their underlying assumptions. Although in many respects realism and liberalis…
Di Bawah Spirit Liberal-Institusionalisme
This article aims to compare two Indonesia’s foreign policy ideas, namely, dynamic equilibrium and the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP). It treats both ideas as an analytical tool instead of propositions to be tested against empirical evidence. Using liberal-institutionalism approach, this article argues that despite both ideas applies in the Indo-Pacific region, both have different characteristics. While dynamic equilibrium can be regard…
Neither promoting nor projecting democracy
Despite the pragmatic character of Indonesian President Joko Widodo’s foreign policy and the regression of the country’s democracy index, Indonesia remains eager for the continuation of Bali Democracy Forum (BDF). This article aims to solve this apparent contradiction using the concept of middle power diplomacy. This article argues that, in contrast to his predecessor, Widodo does not perceive BDF as an instrument to promote or project democracy …
The Paradox of Asean Security Community
It is generally understood that ASEAN has proclaimed itself as a security community since it has a strong commitment to the culture of peace among its members. ASEAN remains a community of states that puts national interests on the top priority of interstate relations in the region. Therefore, ASEAN members are concerned more about their survival rather than bearing the responsibility to strengthen ASEAN as an institution. Despite the existence o…
Major Power Wannabe
Conventional perspectives on military modernization typically emphasize the logic of threats and the influence of domestic factors. However, these existing frameworks frequently neglect the social dimension of military modernization, concentrating instead on the rational calculations involved in decision-making and the effects of strategic culture on policy formulation. This paper fills this gap by proposing an alternative perspective on military…
Reconciling revisionism with the status quo in IR
Norms as a status marker
Political science (14 works) · Economics (11 works) · Law (11 works) · Politics (11 works) · Law (10 works) · Sociology (10 works) · Foreign policy (9 works) · Asian Studies and History (8 works) · Political economy (8 works) · Development economics (5 works)