Manjeet S Pardesi
Biographic Data
| ID | 4085480 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Manjeet S Pardesi |
| GIVEN NAMES | Manjeet S |
| FAMILY NAME | Pardesi |
| SIGNATURE | PARDESI M S |
| AFFILIATIONS | Victoria University of Wellington |
| ORCID | 0000-0003-4150-4179 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 24 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 56 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 24 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2007 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2023 |
| H-INDEX | 4 |
The Sino-Indian Rivalry
Drawing on a wide body of literature on international rivalries, this comprehensive and theoretically grounded work explains the origins and evolution of the Sino-Indian rivalry. Contrary to popular belief, the authors argue that the Sino-Indian rivalry started almost immediately after the emergence of the two countries in the global arena. They demonstrate how the rivalry has systemic implications for both Asia and the global order, intertwining…
Sino-Indian Rivalry
Perspectives historiques sur l’Indo-Pacifique
Que nous disent l’histoire et les échanges mondiaux de l’Indo-Pacifique et de l’ordre émergent en Asie ? Envisagées dans la longue durée, les régions contemporaines qui forment l’Indo-Pacifique (l’Asie du Sud, l’Asie du Sud-Est, et l’Asie du Nord-Est, ainsi que l’espace maritime qui les relie de l’océan Indien à la mer de Chine méridionale) forment un seul continuum interconnecté. Il semblerait que trois caractéristiques principales de cette Asie…
Response section
In his response, Manjeet S. Pardesi argues that global international relations and relational scholarship rooted in global history can learn much from each other and must work together to overcome Eurocentrism while avoiding other forms of ‘centrisms’. The second contribution by Zeynep Gülşah Çapan aims to underline three interrelated dynamics: space (global), time (history), and knowledge. In the third and final response, Musab Younis draws on E…
Regions, Power, and Conflict
Decentering Hegemony and “Open” Orders
I explain the differences between centered and decentered systems (world orders) by adopting a relational approach to international relations. I argue that centric systems have three characteristics: most meaningful social relations are oriented toward one center; this center establishes the practices governing social relations; and the center recognizes no peers. Conversely, if these attributes are not the chief hallmarks of a social system, the…
India’s China strategy under Modi continuity in the management of an asymmetric rivalry
Explaining the asymmetry in the Sino-Indian Strategic Rivalry
China views India as an asymmetric (‘lesser’) rival that has the ability to obstruct China’s grand strategic goals. China’s long-term goals are domination in East Asia followed by Asia-wide domination, and finally global pre-eminence. The asymmetric dimension of their rivalry is rooted in the ego-relevancy cognitive bias in the Chinese elites’ perceptions of Indian history and statehood. Consequently, China does not consider India as a ‘peer’. Th…
Managing the 1986-87 Sino-Indian Sumdorong Chu Crisis
How did China and India manage to prevent the 1986-87 Sumdorong Chu Crisis from escalating into a war? I argue that it was a combination of changing geopolitical factors (Sino-Soviet rapprochement and the end of Soviet support for India in the context of Sino-Indian tensions) and military factors (conventional deterrence and perceptions of limited revisionism) that help explain crisis management. While these geopolitical and military factors help…
The Indo-Pacific
The term ‘Indo-Pacific’ has now entered the strategic lexicon to refer to strategic Asia. In contrast to the dominant themes in the scholarly literature that emphasise its ‘newness’ and conceive it as a maritime space, I argue that Asia's three sub-regions (South, Southeast, and Northeast Asia) and two oceans (Indian and Western Pacific) have constituted a single strategic system for the past two centuries (with the notable exception of the last …
Mughal hegemony and the emergence of South Asia as a “region” for regional order-building
The region known as South Asia today emerged as the locus for order-building only in the early modern period (~1500–1750) as a “region” of Islamicate Asia. I demonstrate this through a cognitive-strategic process based on the interactions between polities and resources within and outside of South Asia. While the practices associated with the primary institutions of warfare, great power management, diplomacy, and political economy did not meaningf…
Order in South Asia and the Indian Ocean Region
Indian Foreign Policy under Modi
This forum comes from a 2016 panel at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association. The forum participants offered midterm assessments of the foreign policy of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This forum considers whether Modi heralded in a new era in Indian foreign policy, or whether Modi's policies just repackaged older policies. The authors in this forum answer these questions by focusing on a range of issues from the role o…
The Initiation of the Sino-Indian rivalry
Sino-Indian interactions after the mid-19th century had a causal influence on Chinese and Indian elite perceptions. Modern China encountered modern India as an agent of British imperialism. China perceived India as an “imperial” power in the late 1940s by resorting to the availability heuristic while doubting India’s intentions in Tibet/Southeast Asia. By contrast, India viewed China as a fellow victim of colonialism that had sought India’s help …
Violent Punjab, quiescent Bengal, and the partition of India
Why did the Punjab bear the brunt of the mass violence and the migration that accompanied the partition of India? This paper makes the case for analytical eclecticism by showing that the following three explanations – centred respectively on democratisation, nationalism, and ideas; the commitment problem; and the security dilemma – account for the violence/migration in the different stages in the run-up to the partition of India. Instead of argui…
Asia's Diplomacy of Violence
Military coercion has already changed the Asia-Pacific region
Region, System, and Order
This article introduces early modern Islamicate Asia (∼1500–1750) as an international system. Three theoretical insights emerge from an analysis of the international relations of the Mughal Empire, the system's largest polity/economy. First, hierarchies are not necessarily peaceful because the system's structural attributes—polarity, the presence/absence of regions, and the pattern of interunit relations—remain important causal factors. Second, a…
Is India a Great Power? Understanding Great Power Status in Contemporary International Relations
The traditional approaches to great power status - the intuitive criteria, an emphasis on warfare, and system-/global-level capabilities - have serious limitations. These approaches have ignored the implications of the expansion of the European states-system into a global one along with the simultaneous regionalization of world politics. Therefore, a threefold criterion for great power status is proposed - the presence of security-related and eco…
India in South Asia
Contemporary Southeast Asia (CSEA) is one of the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute"s flagship publications. Now in its fourth decade of publication, CSEA has succeeded in building up an international reputation as one of Southeast Asia"s premier academic journals. The aim of the peer reviewed journal is to provide subscribers with up to date and in-depth analysis of critical trends and developments in Southeast Asia and the wider Asia-Pacific region.…
Can China and India Rise Peacefully
India and Pakistan
India and Pakistan emerged as independent states from the detritus of the British Indian Empire at midnight on August 14–15, 1947. 1 In spite of their common experiences under the British Raj, the
Explaining Sixty Years of India's Foreign Policy
Secularism, Democracy, and Hindu Nationalism in India
This paper systematically analyzes the origins and emergence of the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Indian politics, and its impact on secularism, domestic politics, and foreign policy. We contend that it was the institutional context of Indian politics in the 1980s, and not Hindu nationalist political ideology per se, that facilitated the emergence of the BJP. India's democratic institutions, particularly coalition politics, ha…
Understanding the Rise of India
The author would like to thank Sumit Ganguly for his valuable suggestions and feedback. All the opinions expressed are the author's alone. The author also takes the responsibility for errors, if any. Notes 1. Hindus and Sikhs crossed over into India, while many Muslims left for Pakistan. It is estimated that some 17 million people crossed the new “boundaries.” This exodus proved to be a bloody affair of massacres, arson, rape, and looting that cl…
Explaining Sixty Years of India's Foreign Policy
Is India a Great Power? Understanding Great Power Status in Contemporary International Relations
The traditional approaches to great power status - the intuitive criteria, an emphasis on warfare, and system-/global-level capabilities - have serious limitations. These approaches have ignored the implications of the expansion of the European states-system into a global one along with the simultaneous regionalization of world politics. Therefore, a threefold criterion for great power status is proposed - the presence of security-related and eco…
India’s China strategy under Modi continuity in the management of an asymmetric rivalry
The Initiation of the Sino-Indian rivalry
Sino-Indian interactions after the mid-19th century had a causal influence on Chinese and Indian elite perceptions. Modern China encountered modern India as an agent of British imperialism. China perceived India as an “imperial” power in the late 1940s by resorting to the availability heuristic while doubting India’s intentions in Tibet/Southeast Asia. By contrast, India viewed China as a fellow victim of colonialism that had sought India’s help …
The Indo-Pacific
The term ‘Indo-Pacific’ has now entered the strategic lexicon to refer to strategic Asia. In contrast to the dominant themes in the scholarly literature that emphasise its ‘newness’ and conceive it as a maritime space, I argue that Asia's three sub-regions (South, Southeast, and Northeast Asia) and two oceans (Indian and Western Pacific) have constituted a single strategic system for the past two centuries (with the notable exception of the last …
Indian Foreign Policy under Modi
This forum comes from a 2016 panel at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association. The forum participants offered midterm assessments of the foreign policy of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This forum considers whether Modi heralded in a new era in Indian foreign policy, or whether Modi's policies just repackaged older policies. The authors in this forum answer these questions by focusing on a range of issues from the role o…
Region, System, and Order
This article introduces early modern Islamicate Asia (∼1500–1750) as an international system. Three theoretical insights emerge from an analysis of the international relations of the Mughal Empire, the system's largest polity/economy. First, hierarchies are not necessarily peaceful because the system's structural attributes—polarity, the presence/absence of regions, and the pattern of interunit relations—remain important causal factors. Second, a…
Mughal hegemony and the emergence of South Asia as a “region” for regional order-building
The region known as South Asia today emerged as the locus for order-building only in the early modern period (~1500–1750) as a “region” of Islamicate Asia. I demonstrate this through a cognitive-strategic process based on the interactions between polities and resources within and outside of South Asia. While the practices associated with the primary institutions of warfare, great power management, diplomacy, and political economy did not meaningf…
Decentering Hegemony and “Open” Orders
I explain the differences between centered and decentered systems (world orders) by adopting a relational approach to international relations. I argue that centric systems have three characteristics: most meaningful social relations are oriented toward one center; this center establishes the practices governing social relations; and the center recognizes no peers. Conversely, if these attributes are not the chief hallmarks of a social system, the…
Explaining the asymmetry in the Sino-Indian Strategic Rivalry
China views India as an asymmetric (‘lesser’) rival that has the ability to obstruct China’s grand strategic goals. China’s long-term goals are domination in East Asia followed by Asia-wide domination, and finally global pre-eminence. The asymmetric dimension of their rivalry is rooted in the ego-relevancy cognitive bias in the Chinese elites’ perceptions of Indian history and statehood. Consequently, China does not consider India as a ‘peer’. Th…
Managing the 1986-87 Sino-Indian Sumdorong Chu Crisis
How did China and India manage to prevent the 1986-87 Sumdorong Chu Crisis from escalating into a war? I argue that it was a combination of changing geopolitical factors (Sino-Soviet rapprochement and the end of Soviet support for India in the context of Sino-Indian tensions) and military factors (conventional deterrence and perceptions of limited revisionism) that help explain crisis management. While these geopolitical and military factors help…
Understanding the Rise of India
The author would like to thank Sumit Ganguly for his valuable suggestions and feedback. All the opinions expressed are the author's alone. The author also takes the responsibility for errors, if any. Notes 1. Hindus and Sikhs crossed over into India, while many Muslims left for Pakistan. It is estimated that some 17 million people crossed the new “boundaries.” This exodus proved to be a bloody affair of massacres, arson, rape, and looting that cl…
Response section
In his response, Manjeet S. Pardesi argues that global international relations and relational scholarship rooted in global history can learn much from each other and must work together to overcome Eurocentrism while avoiding other forms of ‘centrisms’. The second contribution by Zeynep Gülşah Çapan aims to underline three interrelated dynamics: space (global), time (history), and knowledge. In the third and final response, Musab Younis draws on E…
Asia's Diplomacy of Violence
Military coercion has already changed the Asia-Pacific region
Can China and India Rise Peacefully
India and Pakistan
India and Pakistan emerged as independent states from the detritus of the British Indian Empire at midnight on August 14–15, 1947. 1 In spite of their common experiences under the British Raj, the
Understanding the Rise of India
The author would like to thank Sumit Ganguly for his valuable suggestions and feedback. All the opinions expressed are the author's alone. The author also takes the responsibility for errors, if any. Notes 1. Hindus and Sikhs crossed over into India, while many Muslims left for Pakistan. It is estimated that some 17 million people crossed the new “boundaries.” This exodus proved to be a bloody affair of massacres, arson, rape, and looting that cl…
Secularism, Democracy, and Hindu Nationalism in India
This paper systematically analyzes the origins and emergence of the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Indian politics, and its impact on secularism, domestic politics, and foreign policy. We contend that it was the institutional context of Indian politics in the 1980s, and not Hindu nationalist political ideology per se, that facilitated the emergence of the BJP. India's democratic institutions, particularly coalition politics, ha…
Explaining Sixty Years of India's Foreign Policy
India and Pakistan
India and Pakistan emerged as independent states from the detritus of the British Indian Empire at midnight on August 14–15, 1947. 1 In spite of their common experiences under the British Raj, the
Can China and India Rise Peacefully
India in South Asia
Contemporary Southeast Asia (CSEA) is one of the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute"s flagship publications. Now in its fourth decade of publication, CSEA has succeeded in building up an international reputation as one of Southeast Asia"s premier academic journals. The aim of the peer reviewed journal is to provide subscribers with up to date and in-depth analysis of critical trends and developments in Southeast Asia and the wider Asia-Pacific region.…
Is India a Great Power? Understanding Great Power Status in Contemporary International Relations
The traditional approaches to great power status - the intuitive criteria, an emphasis on warfare, and system-/global-level capabilities - have serious limitations. These approaches have ignored the implications of the expansion of the European states-system into a global one along with the simultaneous regionalization of world politics. Therefore, a threefold criterion for great power status is proposed - the presence of security-related and eco…
Asia's Diplomacy of Violence
Military coercion has already changed the Asia-Pacific region
Region, System, and Order
This article introduces early modern Islamicate Asia (∼1500–1750) as an international system. Three theoretical insights emerge from an analysis of the international relations of the Mughal Empire, the system's largest polity/economy. First, hierarchies are not necessarily peaceful because the system's structural attributes—polarity, the presence/absence of regions, and the pattern of interunit relations—remain important causal factors. Second, a…
Order in South Asia and the Indian Ocean Region
Indian Foreign Policy under Modi
This forum comes from a 2016 panel at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association. The forum participants offered midterm assessments of the foreign policy of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This forum considers whether Modi heralded in a new era in Indian foreign policy, or whether Modi's policies just repackaged older policies. The authors in this forum answer these questions by focusing on a range of issues from the role o…
The Initiation of the Sino-Indian rivalry
Sino-Indian interactions after the mid-19th century had a causal influence on Chinese and Indian elite perceptions. Modern China encountered modern India as an agent of British imperialism. China perceived India as an “imperial” power in the late 1940s by resorting to the availability heuristic while doubting India’s intentions in Tibet/Southeast Asia. By contrast, India viewed China as a fellow victim of colonialism that had sought India’s help …
Violent Punjab, quiescent Bengal, and the partition of India
Why did the Punjab bear the brunt of the mass violence and the migration that accompanied the partition of India? This paper makes the case for analytical eclecticism by showing that the following three explanations – centred respectively on democratisation, nationalism, and ideas; the commitment problem; and the security dilemma – account for the violence/migration in the different stages in the run-up to the partition of India. Instead of argui…
Managing the 1986-87 Sino-Indian Sumdorong Chu Crisis
How did China and India manage to prevent the 1986-87 Sumdorong Chu Crisis from escalating into a war? I argue that it was a combination of changing geopolitical factors (Sino-Soviet rapprochement and the end of Soviet support for India in the context of Sino-Indian tensions) and military factors (conventional deterrence and perceptions of limited revisionism) that help explain crisis management. While these geopolitical and military factors help…
The Indo-Pacific
The term ‘Indo-Pacific’ has now entered the strategic lexicon to refer to strategic Asia. In contrast to the dominant themes in the scholarly literature that emphasise its ‘newness’ and conceive it as a maritime space, I argue that Asia's three sub-regions (South, Southeast, and Northeast Asia) and two oceans (Indian and Western Pacific) have constituted a single strategic system for the past two centuries (with the notable exception of the last …
Mughal hegemony and the emergence of South Asia as a “region” for regional order-building
The region known as South Asia today emerged as the locus for order-building only in the early modern period (~1500–1750) as a “region” of Islamicate Asia. I demonstrate this through a cognitive-strategic process based on the interactions between polities and resources within and outside of South Asia. While the practices associated with the primary institutions of warfare, great power management, diplomacy, and political economy did not meaningf…
India’s China strategy under Modi continuity in the management of an asymmetric rivalry
Explaining the asymmetry in the Sino-Indian Strategic Rivalry
China views India as an asymmetric (‘lesser’) rival that has the ability to obstruct China’s grand strategic goals. China’s long-term goals are domination in East Asia followed by Asia-wide domination, and finally global pre-eminence. The asymmetric dimension of their rivalry is rooted in the ego-relevancy cognitive bias in the Chinese elites’ perceptions of Indian history and statehood. Consequently, China does not consider India as a ‘peer’. Th…
Regions, Power, and Conflict
Decentering Hegemony and “Open” Orders
I explain the differences between centered and decentered systems (world orders) by adopting a relational approach to international relations. I argue that centric systems have three characteristics: most meaningful social relations are oriented toward one center; this center establishes the practices governing social relations; and the center recognizes no peers. Conversely, if these attributes are not the chief hallmarks of a social system, the…
The Sino-Indian Rivalry
Drawing on a wide body of literature on international rivalries, this comprehensive and theoretically grounded work explains the origins and evolution of the Sino-Indian rivalry. Contrary to popular belief, the authors argue that the Sino-Indian rivalry started almost immediately after the emergence of the two countries in the global arena. They demonstrate how the rivalry has systemic implications for both Asia and the global order, intertwining…
Sino-Indian Rivalry
Perspectives historiques sur l’Indo-Pacifique
Que nous disent l’histoire et les échanges mondiaux de l’Indo-Pacifique et de l’ordre émergent en Asie ? Envisagées dans la longue durée, les régions contemporaines qui forment l’Indo-Pacifique (l’Asie du Sud, l’Asie du Sud-Est, et l’Asie du Nord-Est, ainsi que l’espace maritime qui les relie de l’océan Indien à la mer de Chine méridionale) forment un seul continuum interconnecté. Il semblerait que trois caractéristiques principales de cette Asie…
Response section
In his response, Manjeet S. Pardesi argues that global international relations and relational scholarship rooted in global history can learn much from each other and must work together to overcome Eurocentrism while avoiding other forms of ‘centrisms’. The second contribution by Zeynep Gülşah Çapan aims to underline three interrelated dynamics: space (global), time (history), and knowledge. In the third and final response, Musab Younis draws on E…
Political science (22 works) · Law (17 works) · Economics (16 works) · Law (15 works) · Politics (15 works) · Development economics (14 works) · South Asian Studies and Conflicts (12 works) · China (11 works) · Sociology (11 works) · Political economy (10 works)