Magnus G Schoeller
Biographic Data
| ID | 4096614 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Magnus G Schoeller |
| GIVEN NAMES | Magnus G |
| FAMILY NAME | Schoeller |
| SIGNATURE | SCHOELLER M G |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Vienna |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-5826-0900 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 14 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 131 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 14 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2017 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 7 |
Scrutinising Frontex: The European Parliament and Accountability through Discharge
This article examines how the European Parliament (EP) has leveraged the budgetary discharge procedure to enhance the political accountability of the EU's Border and Coast Guard Agency, Frontex. Whilst the procedure is formally limited to budget implementation, the EP has used it as an accountability tool that goes far beyond financial oversight, addressing broader issues such as fundamental rights and operational effectiveness. Employing a ratio…
Continuity despite crises: Germany’s euro policy in the light of the pandemic, war and inflation
After a decade of reforming and stabilising the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), it has been put to a triple test: the COVID-19 pandemic, the war in Ukraine, and the return of inflation have posed serious challenges to the eurozone that call for policy responses. Against the background of recent advances in European integration theory, we assess whether and how these challenges have led to a change in the EMU policy of the eurozone's most power…
Managing constraint: Frugal opposition to European fiscal solidarity
The management of the COVID-19 crisis and, in particular, the Next Generation EU fund have shown that European leaders can find integrationist policy solutions despite increasing politicisation at home where democratic constraints may lead to a feared 'multilevel politics trap'. Therefore, we ask whether and how national governments can manage such constraints and thus spring or avoid the trap. Theoretically, we argue that the agency of governmen…
Leadership aspirations versus reality: Germany's self-concept in Europe
Leadership by powerful states is considered crucial to the success of regional integration. Since the European Union (EU) entered a ‘polycrisis’, many eyes have therefore been on Germany. But does the German political elite see itself as a leader in Europe? To date, whether German political elite members have cast off their much-cited ‘leadership avoidance reflex’ has not been empirically investigated. Based on an original elite survey, this arti…
The Austrian-German Relationship in EMU Reform: From Asymmetric Partnership to Increased Independence
The relationship between Austria and Germany is characterised by many political and cultural commonalities and strong economic interdependencies. Moreover, the asymmetry between the two countries, both in terms of economic size and political power, has long time characterised the relationship as one between 'leader' and 'follower'. Yet, despite these strong ties, Austria has assumed an increasingly independent role in recent EMU politics. Therefo…
Acting in the Shadow of German Hegemony? The Role of Small States in the Economic and Monetary Union (Introduction to the Special Issue)
This article introduces the special issue on smaller states and their relation to Germany in the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). While there has been a mushrooming literature on the role of Germany in EMU, there has been hardly any research on how smaller states interact with EMU's most powerful member. However, recent developments such as the rise of populism, Brexit, or the emergence of small state coalitions such as the 'New Hanseatic Leagu…
Centrifugal forces in a hegemonic environment: The rise of small-state coalitions in the Economic and Monetary Union
A hegemonic power can guarantee thestatus quoin an international economic system. However, domestic or international changes may unsettle a hegemon’s priorities. In such phases, smaller states benefiting from the existing system may fear that the hegemon will fail to keep the system stable. How do they react if they lose trust in the hegemon’s ability or will to maintain thestatus quo? This article argues that in such cases, free riding becomes l…
Championing the ‘German model’? Germany’s consistent preferences on the integration of fiscal constraints
This article traces whether and how Germany’s preferences on the integration of fiscal constraints have evolved since the founding of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). Focusing on state elites and mass publics as driving forces of government preferences, the article also examines what has shaped German preferences since the Treaty of Maastricht. The article finds that elites welcomed the benefits of a single currency but feared the risks of …
Preventing the eurozone budget: Issue replacement and small state influence in EMU
When the two most powerful EU member states, Germany and France, proposed a genuine budget for the eurozone, the odds were in favour of a new stabilization instrument. However, no such eurozone budget materialized. Instead, member states agreed on the 'Budgetary Instrument for Convergence and Competitiveness' (BICC), a reform delivery tool that lacked the risk-sharing features envisaged by France and partly conceded by Germany. How can we explain…
Tracing leadership: The ECB’s ‘whatever it takes’ and Germany in the Ukraine crisis
Political scientists face problems when assessing a leader’s impact: how can we know that a policy outcome or institutional change is caused by leadership? This article argues that in addition to relying on comparisons and counterfactuals, we need to trace the causal mechanisms by which leadership affects outcomes. Therefore, the article proposes a way to trace leadership and applies it to two cases of EU crisis management: the European Central B…
Rising despite the polycrisis? The European Parliament’s strategies of self-empowerment after Lisbon
The European Union (EU) is currently enmeshed in a polycrisis. Yet, a treaty change to ease these crises is out of reach. We ask how a supranational actor, the European Parliament (EP), strives for more de facto powers amidst this situation. Relying on refined propositions of inter-institutional bargaining theory, we argue that the EP skilfully deploys strategies in order to extend its powers beyond the provisions of the Lisbon Treaty. Based on o…
Driving informal institutional change: The European Parliament and the reform of the Economic and Monetary Union
With the Lisbon Treaty, the European Parliament (EP) obtained co-decision rights in economic governance for the first time. Soon afterwards, the outbreak of the eurozone crisis required a reform of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). When negotiating EMU reform, the EP sought to push its rights beyond the Lisbon provisions, so as to obtain an informal institutional change to its benefit. How and under which conditions did the EP extend its inf…
The Rise and Fall of Merkozy: Franco‐German Bilateralism as a Negotiation Strategy in Eurozone Crisis Management
The close co‐operation between French President Sarkozy and German Chancellor Merkel (‘Merkozy’) dominated a significant part of eurozone crisis management. Yet, after the election of a new French government in 2012, the Franco‐German co‐operation in the Economic and Monetary Union deteriorated. This article asks why the Franco‐German tandem got stuck. Drawing on bargaining theory, it argues that Germany used ‘Merkozy’ as a negotiation strategy t…
Providing political leadership? Three case studies on Germany's ambiguous role in the eurozone crisis
Throughout the eurozone crisis, observers called upon Germany to assume leadership. Yet, Germany has not emerged as the hoped-for leader. According to the issue at stake, we observe three different outcomes: firstly, Germany refused to lead; secondly, Germany assumed leadership, but failed to deliver; thirdly, Germany acted as a successful leader. This article examines the reasons for this variance by analysing and comparing one case for each out…
Providing political leadership? Three case studies on Germany's ambiguous role in the eurozone crisis
Throughout the eurozone crisis, observers called upon Germany to assume leadership. Yet, Germany has not emerged as the hoped-for leader. According to the issue at stake, we observe three different outcomes: firstly, Germany refused to lead; secondly, Germany assumed leadership, but failed to deliver; thirdly, Germany acted as a successful leader. This article examines the reasons for this variance by analysing and comparing one case for each out…
Preventing the eurozone budget: Issue replacement and small state influence in EMU
When the two most powerful EU member states, Germany and France, proposed a genuine budget for the eurozone, the odds were in favour of a new stabilization instrument. However, no such eurozone budget materialized. Instead, member states agreed on the 'Budgetary Instrument for Convergence and Competitiveness' (BICC), a reform delivery tool that lacked the risk-sharing features envisaged by France and partly conceded by Germany. How can we explain…
The Rise and Fall of Merkozy: Franco‐German Bilateralism as a Negotiation Strategy in Eurozone Crisis Management
The close co‐operation between French President Sarkozy and German Chancellor Merkel (‘Merkozy’) dominated a significant part of eurozone crisis management. Yet, after the election of a new French government in 2012, the Franco‐German co‐operation in the Economic and Monetary Union deteriorated. This article asks why the Franco‐German tandem got stuck. Drawing on bargaining theory, it argues that Germany used ‘Merkozy’ as a negotiation strategy t…
Acting in the Shadow of German Hegemony? The Role of Small States in the Economic and Monetary Union (Introduction to the Special Issue)
This article introduces the special issue on smaller states and their relation to Germany in the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). While there has been a mushrooming literature on the role of Germany in EMU, there has been hardly any research on how smaller states interact with EMU's most powerful member. However, recent developments such as the rise of populism, Brexit, or the emergence of small state coalitions such as the 'New Hanseatic Leagu…
Driving informal institutional change: The European Parliament and the reform of the Economic and Monetary Union
With the Lisbon Treaty, the European Parliament (EP) obtained co-decision rights in economic governance for the first time. Soon afterwards, the outbreak of the eurozone crisis required a reform of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). When negotiating EMU reform, the EP sought to push its rights beyond the Lisbon provisions, so as to obtain an informal institutional change to its benefit. How and under which conditions did the EP extend its inf…
Championing the ‘German model’? Germany’s consistent preferences on the integration of fiscal constraints
This article traces whether and how Germany’s preferences on the integration of fiscal constraints have evolved since the founding of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). Focusing on state elites and mass publics as driving forces of government preferences, the article also examines what has shaped German preferences since the Treaty of Maastricht. The article finds that elites welcomed the benefits of a single currency but feared the risks of …
Continuity despite crises: Germany’s euro policy in the light of the pandemic, war and inflation
After a decade of reforming and stabilising the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), it has been put to a triple test: the COVID-19 pandemic, the war in Ukraine, and the return of inflation have posed serious challenges to the eurozone that call for policy responses. Against the background of recent advances in European integration theory, we assess whether and how these challenges have led to a change in the EMU policy of the eurozone's most power…
Managing constraint: Frugal opposition to European fiscal solidarity
The management of the COVID-19 crisis and, in particular, the Next Generation EU fund have shown that European leaders can find integrationist policy solutions despite increasing politicisation at home where democratic constraints may lead to a feared 'multilevel politics trap'. Therefore, we ask whether and how national governments can manage such constraints and thus spring or avoid the trap. Theoretically, we argue that the agency of governmen…
Centrifugal forces in a hegemonic environment: The rise of small-state coalitions in the Economic and Monetary Union
A hegemonic power can guarantee thestatus quoin an international economic system. However, domestic or international changes may unsettle a hegemon’s priorities. In such phases, smaller states benefiting from the existing system may fear that the hegemon will fail to keep the system stable. How do they react if they lose trust in the hegemon’s ability or will to maintain thestatus quo? This article argues that in such cases, free riding becomes l…
Tracing leadership: The ECB’s ‘whatever it takes’ and Germany in the Ukraine crisis
Political scientists face problems when assessing a leader’s impact: how can we know that a policy outcome or institutional change is caused by leadership? This article argues that in addition to relying on comparisons and counterfactuals, we need to trace the causal mechanisms by which leadership affects outcomes. Therefore, the article proposes a way to trace leadership and applies it to two cases of EU crisis management: the European Central B…
Leadership aspirations versus reality: Germany's self-concept in Europe
Leadership by powerful states is considered crucial to the success of regional integration. Since the European Union (EU) entered a ‘polycrisis’, many eyes have therefore been on Germany. But does the German political elite see itself as a leader in Europe? To date, whether German political elite members have cast off their much-cited ‘leadership avoidance reflex’ has not been empirically investigated. Based on an original elite survey, this arti…
The Austrian-German Relationship in EMU Reform: From Asymmetric Partnership to Increased Independence
The relationship between Austria and Germany is characterised by many political and cultural commonalities and strong economic interdependencies. Moreover, the asymmetry between the two countries, both in terms of economic size and political power, has long time characterised the relationship as one between 'leader' and 'follower'. Yet, despite these strong ties, Austria has assumed an increasingly independent role in recent EMU politics. Therefo…
Providing political leadership? Three case studies on Germany's ambiguous role in the eurozone crisis
Throughout the eurozone crisis, observers called upon Germany to assume leadership. Yet, Germany has not emerged as the hoped-for leader. According to the issue at stake, we observe three different outcomes: firstly, Germany refused to lead; secondly, Germany assumed leadership, but failed to deliver; thirdly, Germany acted as a successful leader. This article examines the reasons for this variance by analysing and comparing one case for each out…
The Rise and Fall of Merkozy: Franco‐German Bilateralism as a Negotiation Strategy in Eurozone Crisis Management
The close co‐operation between French President Sarkozy and German Chancellor Merkel (‘Merkozy’) dominated a significant part of eurozone crisis management. Yet, after the election of a new French government in 2012, the Franco‐German co‐operation in the Economic and Monetary Union deteriorated. This article asks why the Franco‐German tandem got stuck. Drawing on bargaining theory, it argues that Germany used ‘Merkozy’ as a negotiation strategy t…
Rising despite the polycrisis? The European Parliament’s strategies of self-empowerment after Lisbon
The European Union (EU) is currently enmeshed in a polycrisis. Yet, a treaty change to ease these crises is out of reach. We ask how a supranational actor, the European Parliament (EP), strives for more de facto powers amidst this situation. Relying on refined propositions of inter-institutional bargaining theory, we argue that the EP skilfully deploys strategies in order to extend its powers beyond the provisions of the Lisbon Treaty. Based on o…
Driving informal institutional change: The European Parliament and the reform of the Economic and Monetary Union
With the Lisbon Treaty, the European Parliament (EP) obtained co-decision rights in economic governance for the first time. Soon afterwards, the outbreak of the eurozone crisis required a reform of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). When negotiating EMU reform, the EP sought to push its rights beyond the Lisbon provisions, so as to obtain an informal institutional change to its benefit. How and under which conditions did the EP extend its inf…
Tracing leadership: The ECB’s ‘whatever it takes’ and Germany in the Ukraine crisis
Political scientists face problems when assessing a leader’s impact: how can we know that a policy outcome or institutional change is caused by leadership? This article argues that in addition to relying on comparisons and counterfactuals, we need to trace the causal mechanisms by which leadership affects outcomes. Therefore, the article proposes a way to trace leadership and applies it to two cases of EU crisis management: the European Central B…
Championing the ‘German model’? Germany’s consistent preferences on the integration of fiscal constraints
This article traces whether and how Germany’s preferences on the integration of fiscal constraints have evolved since the founding of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). Focusing on state elites and mass publics as driving forces of government preferences, the article also examines what has shaped German preferences since the Treaty of Maastricht. The article finds that elites welcomed the benefits of a single currency but feared the risks of …
Preventing the eurozone budget: Issue replacement and small state influence in EMU
When the two most powerful EU member states, Germany and France, proposed a genuine budget for the eurozone, the odds were in favour of a new stabilization instrument. However, no such eurozone budget materialized. Instead, member states agreed on the 'Budgetary Instrument for Convergence and Competitiveness' (BICC), a reform delivery tool that lacked the risk-sharing features envisaged by France and partly conceded by Germany. How can we explain…
The Austrian-German Relationship in EMU Reform: From Asymmetric Partnership to Increased Independence
The relationship between Austria and Germany is characterised by many political and cultural commonalities and strong economic interdependencies. Moreover, the asymmetry between the two countries, both in terms of economic size and political power, has long time characterised the relationship as one between 'leader' and 'follower'. Yet, despite these strong ties, Austria has assumed an increasingly independent role in recent EMU politics. Therefo…
Acting in the Shadow of German Hegemony? The Role of Small States in the Economic and Monetary Union (Introduction to the Special Issue)
This article introduces the special issue on smaller states and their relation to Germany in the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). While there has been a mushrooming literature on the role of Germany in EMU, there has been hardly any research on how smaller states interact with EMU's most powerful member. However, recent developments such as the rise of populism, Brexit, or the emergence of small state coalitions such as the 'New Hanseatic Leagu…
Centrifugal forces in a hegemonic environment: The rise of small-state coalitions in the Economic and Monetary Union
A hegemonic power can guarantee thestatus quoin an international economic system. However, domestic or international changes may unsettle a hegemon’s priorities. In such phases, smaller states benefiting from the existing system may fear that the hegemon will fail to keep the system stable. How do they react if they lose trust in the hegemon’s ability or will to maintain thestatus quo? This article argues that in such cases, free riding becomes l…
Leadership aspirations versus reality: Germany's self-concept in Europe
Leadership by powerful states is considered crucial to the success of regional integration. Since the European Union (EU) entered a ‘polycrisis’, many eyes have therefore been on Germany. But does the German political elite see itself as a leader in Europe? To date, whether German political elite members have cast off their much-cited ‘leadership avoidance reflex’ has not been empirically investigated. Based on an original elite survey, this arti…
Continuity despite crises: Germany’s euro policy in the light of the pandemic, war and inflation
After a decade of reforming and stabilising the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), it has been put to a triple test: the COVID-19 pandemic, the war in Ukraine, and the return of inflation have posed serious challenges to the eurozone that call for policy responses. Against the background of recent advances in European integration theory, we assess whether and how these challenges have led to a change in the EMU policy of the eurozone's most power…
Managing constraint: Frugal opposition to European fiscal solidarity
The management of the COVID-19 crisis and, in particular, the Next Generation EU fund have shown that European leaders can find integrationist policy solutions despite increasing politicisation at home where democratic constraints may lead to a feared 'multilevel politics trap'. Therefore, we ask whether and how national governments can manage such constraints and thus spring or avoid the trap. Theoretically, we argue that the agency of governmen…
Scrutinising Frontex: The European Parliament and Accountability through Discharge
This article examines how the European Parliament (EP) has leveraged the budgetary discharge procedure to enhance the political accountability of the EU's Border and Coast Guard Agency, Frontex. Whilst the procedure is formally limited to budget implementation, the EP has used it as an accountability tool that goes far beyond financial oversight, addressing broader issues such as fundamental rights and operational effectiveness. Employing a ratio…
European Union Policy and Governance (14 works) · Economics (13 works) · European union (11 works) · Political economy (11 works) · Political science (11 works) · Law (9 works) · Politics (9 works) · Social Policy and Reform Studies (9 works) · Economic policy (8 works) · European integration (7 works)