Nizan Feldman
Biographic Data
| ID | 4134728 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Nizan Feldman |
| GIVEN NAMES | Nizan |
| FAMILY NAME | Feldman |
| SIGNATURE | FELDMAN N |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Haifa |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-9635-6516 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 12 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 19 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 12 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2018 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 2 |
Caught Between China and the United States: Small Western States’ Reactions to Chinese Port Investments
This article examines how small, Western-aligned states respond to Chinese investment in sensitive sectors, focusing on ports. Although Greece and Israel have attracted attention in this context, they have rarely been analyzed within a shared framework. Together, they enable both internal (Chinese versus non-Chinese projects) and cross-national comparison. The study contributes to debates on the relative weight of domestic and external factors in…
The Import of Strategic and Nonstrategic Commodities During War: A Systematic Case Study Focusing on Israel from 1980 till 2014
Under what circumstances do belligerents succeed in increasing their imports during wartime? This research seeks to answer that question by addressing contradictory findings in the literature on the relationship between trade and war. We propose that the answer depends on two factors that have not been examined together: the value of the imports for the battlefield and the intensity of the war. These two factors influence the willingness of belli…
Give “peace through globalization” a chance: The role of economic globalization in UAE-Israel normalization
While the “peace through globalization” literature is primarily framed as an effort to examine whether economic globalization promotes peace, most of its models investigate whether trade reduces conflict. This study argues that by defining different stages in the transition to peace as a dependent variable, the relationship between a state’s exposure to globalization and peace is more complex than theorized in the literature. Even in our still-gl…
Oil shocks and trade networks: How Israel, South Korea, and Poland leveraged oil imports to access new regional markets
Studies on oil price shocks focus either on their macroeconomic consequences or on their effects on bilateral political relations between major oil suppliers and consumers. However, they overlook the effect of these shocks on second-degree political and economic relations created through oil trade on the margins of the market. This study examines how periods of price shocks in the global oil markets allow non-major oil importers to increase their…
Balancing in stormy waters: The impact of naval regional power shifts on the evolution of maritime claims
Studies examining dyadic claims over maritime areas typically focus on the parties’ relative power dynamics and naval power. We argue that regional shifts in naval power also play a crucial role in the evolution of maritime disputes. The emergence of a regional power with enhanced naval capabilities and an assertive maritime strategy may deter foreign firms from investing in the development of maritime energy resources. In response, countries in …
Masks Down: Diplomacy and Regime Stability in the Post‐Covid‐19 Era
Natural disasters can create peaceful diplomatic interactions between conflicting parties, be they warring states or warring domestic factions. Advocates of “disaster diplomacy” argue that while events such as epidemics, earthquakes, floods, windstorms, and tsunamis result in human tragedies, they also generate opportunities for international cooperation, even between enemies. Conversely, natural disasters can also create rifts between friends an…
Gunboats and butter: The two percent guideline and Nato burden shifting in the maritime domain
This study integrates two strands of the alliance burden-sharing literature: the research exploring the impact of the patron's ability to credibly threaten abandonment and allies' incentives to burden shift, and the call to disaggregate defense spending when evaluating burden sharing. We contend that allies burden shift by reallocating funds away from capabilities designed to counter threats the patron is unlikely to abandon. Using a novel datase…
Rallying around the “flag of convenience”: Merchant fleet flags and sanctions effectiveness
Naval Power, Merchant Fleets, and the Impact of Conflict on Trade
Although commonly assumed to secure trade, the influence of both naval power and merchant fleets on combatants’ ability to secure trade has been rarely explored. Using the gravity model on a dataset spanning 1980–2011, this study shows that the damage conflict inflicts on states’ third-party trade declines as both their naval power and commercial fleet size increase. Beyond validating core assumptions of modern maritime strategy, our results make…
Naval Power and Effects of Third-Party Trade on Conflict
This study argues that the effect of third-party trade on dyadic conflicts is conditional on the naval power of both the potential conflict initiator and its target state. This conditional effect occurs mainly because naval power allows trade-integrated initiators to reduce their trade dependence on a given trade partner and its allies more easily. At the same time, the target’s naval power increases the costs that conflict inflict on the initiat…
Globalization and wartime trade
This article argues that on balance globalization does not increase, and may even reduce, the opportunity cost of Militarized Interstate Disputes (MIDs), as measured by foregone merchandise trade. Specifically, globalization makes it easier for states to substitute trade partners, makes it difficult to employ trade sanctions, makes credit more available to states at conflict, and encourages trade-substituting horizontal Foreign Direct Investment …
War and Third-party Trade
Few studies explain how wars affect trade with third parties. We argue that wartime trade policies should raise trade with friendly and enemy-hostile third parties but reduce trade with hostile and enemy-friendly third parties. At the same time, the private motivation of firms and households may be incompatible with national wartime trade policies and constrain the effectiveness of wartime trade policies. Our directed dyadic data set consists of …
War and Third-party Trade
Few studies explain how wars affect trade with third parties. We argue that wartime trade policies should raise trade with friendly and enemy-hostile third parties but reduce trade with hostile and enemy-friendly third parties. At the same time, the private motivation of firms and households may be incompatible with national wartime trade policies and constrain the effectiveness of wartime trade policies. Our directed dyadic data set consists of …
Globalization and wartime trade
This article argues that on balance globalization does not increase, and may even reduce, the opportunity cost of Militarized Interstate Disputes (MIDs), as measured by foregone merchandise trade. Specifically, globalization makes it easier for states to substitute trade partners, makes it difficult to employ trade sanctions, makes credit more available to states at conflict, and encourages trade-substituting horizontal Foreign Direct Investment …
Masks Down: Diplomacy and Regime Stability in the Post‐Covid‐19 Era
Natural disasters can create peaceful diplomatic interactions between conflicting parties, be they warring states or warring domestic factions. Advocates of “disaster diplomacy” argue that while events such as epidemics, earthquakes, floods, windstorms, and tsunamis result in human tragedies, they also generate opportunities for international cooperation, even between enemies. Conversely, natural disasters can also create rifts between friends an…
Naval Power and Effects of Third-Party Trade on Conflict
This study argues that the effect of third-party trade on dyadic conflicts is conditional on the naval power of both the potential conflict initiator and its target state. This conditional effect occurs mainly because naval power allows trade-integrated initiators to reduce their trade dependence on a given trade partner and its allies more easily. At the same time, the target’s naval power increases the costs that conflict inflict on the initiat…
Balancing in stormy waters: The impact of naval regional power shifts on the evolution of maritime claims
Studies examining dyadic claims over maritime areas typically focus on the parties’ relative power dynamics and naval power. We argue that regional shifts in naval power also play a crucial role in the evolution of maritime disputes. The emergence of a regional power with enhanced naval capabilities and an assertive maritime strategy may deter foreign firms from investing in the development of maritime energy resources. In response, countries in …
Gunboats and butter: The two percent guideline and Nato burden shifting in the maritime domain
This study integrates two strands of the alliance burden-sharing literature: the research exploring the impact of the patron's ability to credibly threaten abandonment and allies' incentives to burden shift, and the call to disaggregate defense spending when evaluating burden sharing. We contend that allies burden shift by reallocating funds away from capabilities designed to counter threats the patron is unlikely to abandon. Using a novel datase…
Naval Power, Merchant Fleets, and the Impact of Conflict on Trade
Although commonly assumed to secure trade, the influence of both naval power and merchant fleets on combatants’ ability to secure trade has been rarely explored. Using the gravity model on a dataset spanning 1980–2011, this study shows that the damage conflict inflicts on states’ third-party trade declines as both their naval power and commercial fleet size increase. Beyond validating core assumptions of modern maritime strategy, our results make…
War and Third-party Trade
Few studies explain how wars affect trade with third parties. We argue that wartime trade policies should raise trade with friendly and enemy-hostile third parties but reduce trade with hostile and enemy-friendly third parties. At the same time, the private motivation of firms and households may be incompatible with national wartime trade policies and constrain the effectiveness of wartime trade policies. Our directed dyadic data set consists of …
Naval Power and Effects of Third-Party Trade on Conflict
This study argues that the effect of third-party trade on dyadic conflicts is conditional on the naval power of both the potential conflict initiator and its target state. This conditional effect occurs mainly because naval power allows trade-integrated initiators to reduce their trade dependence on a given trade partner and its allies more easily. At the same time, the target’s naval power increases the costs that conflict inflict on the initiat…
Globalization and wartime trade
This article argues that on balance globalization does not increase, and may even reduce, the opportunity cost of Militarized Interstate Disputes (MIDs), as measured by foregone merchandise trade. Specifically, globalization makes it easier for states to substitute trade partners, makes it difficult to employ trade sanctions, makes credit more available to states at conflict, and encourages trade-substituting horizontal Foreign Direct Investment …
Rallying around the “flag of convenience”: Merchant fleet flags and sanctions effectiveness
Naval Power, Merchant Fleets, and the Impact of Conflict on Trade
Although commonly assumed to secure trade, the influence of both naval power and merchant fleets on combatants’ ability to secure trade has been rarely explored. Using the gravity model on a dataset spanning 1980–2011, this study shows that the damage conflict inflicts on states’ third-party trade declines as both their naval power and commercial fleet size increase. Beyond validating core assumptions of modern maritime strategy, our results make…
Masks Down: Diplomacy and Regime Stability in the Post‐Covid‐19 Era
Natural disasters can create peaceful diplomatic interactions between conflicting parties, be they warring states or warring domestic factions. Advocates of “disaster diplomacy” argue that while events such as epidemics, earthquakes, floods, windstorms, and tsunamis result in human tragedies, they also generate opportunities for international cooperation, even between enemies. Conversely, natural disasters can also create rifts between friends an…
Gunboats and butter: The two percent guideline and Nato burden shifting in the maritime domain
This study integrates two strands of the alliance burden-sharing literature: the research exploring the impact of the patron's ability to credibly threaten abandonment and allies' incentives to burden shift, and the call to disaggregate defense spending when evaluating burden sharing. We contend that allies burden shift by reallocating funds away from capabilities designed to counter threats the patron is unlikely to abandon. Using a novel datase…
The Import of Strategic and Nonstrategic Commodities During War: A Systematic Case Study Focusing on Israel from 1980 till 2014
Under what circumstances do belligerents succeed in increasing their imports during wartime? This research seeks to answer that question by addressing contradictory findings in the literature on the relationship between trade and war. We propose that the answer depends on two factors that have not been examined together: the value of the imports for the battlefield and the intensity of the war. These two factors influence the willingness of belli…
Give “peace through globalization” a chance: The role of economic globalization in UAE-Israel normalization
While the “peace through globalization” literature is primarily framed as an effort to examine whether economic globalization promotes peace, most of its models investigate whether trade reduces conflict. This study argues that by defining different stages in the transition to peace as a dependent variable, the relationship between a state’s exposure to globalization and peace is more complex than theorized in the literature. Even in our still-gl…
Oil shocks and trade networks: How Israel, South Korea, and Poland leveraged oil imports to access new regional markets
Studies on oil price shocks focus either on their macroeconomic consequences or on their effects on bilateral political relations between major oil suppliers and consumers. However, they overlook the effect of these shocks on second-degree political and economic relations created through oil trade on the margins of the market. This study examines how periods of price shocks in the global oil markets allow non-major oil importers to increase their…
Balancing in stormy waters: The impact of naval regional power shifts on the evolution of maritime claims
Studies examining dyadic claims over maritime areas typically focus on the parties’ relative power dynamics and naval power. We argue that regional shifts in naval power also play a crucial role in the evolution of maritime disputes. The emergence of a regional power with enhanced naval capabilities and an assertive maritime strategy may deter foreign firms from investing in the development of maritime energy resources. In response, countries in …
Caught Between China and the United States: Small Western States’ Reactions to Chinese Port Investments
This article examines how small, Western-aligned states respond to Chinese investment in sensitive sectors, focusing on ports. Although Greece and Israel have attracted attention in this context, they have rarely been analyzed within a shared framework. Together, they enable both internal (Chinese versus non-Chinese projects) and cross-national comparison. The study contributes to debates on the relative weight of domestic and external factors in…
International trade (9 works) · Economics (8 works) · Political science (7 works) · Business (6 works) · Law (6 works) · Law (5 works) · Economic Sanctions and International Relations (4 works) · Global trade and economics (4 works) · International Development and Aid (4 works) · International economics (4 works)