Ирина Бусыгина
Biographic Data
| ID | 4151943 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Ирина Бусыгина |
| GIVEN NAMES | Ирина |
| FAMILY NAME | Бусыгина |
| SIGNATURE | БУСЫГИНА И |
| AFFILIATIONS | National Research University Higher School of Economics |
| ORCID | 0000-0001-9866-9738 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 22 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 81 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 22 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 1997 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 6 |
Authoritarian state-driven regionalism before and after the war: The case of the Russian Far East
State populism in Russia in a time of war: Examining discourses on ‘anti-Russian’ sanctions
This article examines state populism as a key mechanism enabling the survival of authoritarian regimes. In contrast to anti-establishment populism, which portrays the ruling elites as the main enemy of the people and sets the people against the elites, state populism sees the state, created and run by the incumbent elites, as the protector of the interests of the people. Drawing on our research on contemporary Russia, we show how the workings of …
The Impact of War on Center-Regional Relations in Russia: The Case of Defense-Linked Regions
Russia’s war against Ukraine was the immediate impetus for the realization of the strategic intentions of the Russian leadership – to “integrate the war into the national economy” and to turn the defense sector into the driving force of the country’s development. The strategic character of all these changes affects the country’s territorial structure: we observe the “rise” of the defense-linked regions. These regions demonstrated high levels of e…
The regional dimension of Russia’s resilience during its war against Ukraine: An Introduction
This symposium challenges the common perception that authoritarian regimes are less resilient than democratic ones because they lack the sources of democratic resilience. We focus on Russia, a personalist authoritarian regime, which has demonstrated a surprisingly high level of resilience during its war against Ukraine. We argue that for a territorially large and diverse country such as Russia, the critical dimension of resilience is manifested i…
The sources of territorial resilience in Putin’s Russia
This article aims to explain the sources of territorial resilience in Russia. It demonstrates that the basis of territorial resilience is the "power vertical," i.e. the current model of center–regional relations. This model ensures political centralization and, consequently, political uniformity. The model is supported by several formalized institutions, including the selection of governors, the guidance and monitoring of governors by the preside…
Ready to protest? Explaining protest potential in Russian regional capitals
The 2021 urban political protests in Russia in support of Alexei Navalny have swept the country, beginning in the Far East and reaching Moscow. They, however, displayed large variation in the number of protesters taking to the streets in the country’s regional capitals. While the immediate driver of urban protests is usually a political event or a decision of authorities, the willingness to protest accumulates before that, creating protest potent…
Pandemic Decentralization: Covid-19 and Principal–Agent Relations in Russia
In authoritarian Russia, during the COVID-19 crisis the federal center unilaterally shifted the costs of unpopular anti-pandemic measures onto the regions. By applying the principal–agent theory to the Russian case, we show that, faced with the delegated task of combating the pandemic, agents (regional governors) shirked: using informational asymmetry, they started manipulating information about their activity to the principal (federal center). A…
Covid and Federal Relations in Russia
The COVID -19 crisis has provided an opportunity to re-evaluate how the federal relations work in authoritarian Russia. In particular, the crisis has confirmed that the regional governors are an integral part of maintaining the stability of the non-democratic regime. Since the whole system and thus, the political careers of the incumbent governors depend on Putin’s popularity, they are interested in maintaining it, even at the expense of their ow…
Trade-offs and inconsistencies of the Russian foreign policy: The case of Eurasia
In this article, we explore the inherent trade-offs and inconsistencies of Russia’s policies toward the post-Soviet space. We argue that attempts to rebuild an image of Russia as a “great power” have actually led to a reduction of Russian influence in the post-Soviet region. The more Russia acted as a “Great Power,” the less credible was its promise to respect the national sovereignty of the former Soviet republics. In 2011, Vladimir Putin declar…
The Hows and Whys of Reforming Russian Federalism
Federative relationships are essentially an intertwining of mutual dependencies: Regional politicians are granted powers to act independently, at least in some areas, while they serve as dependent
Russia, Post-Soviet Integration, and the Eaeu: The Balance between Domination and Cooperation
The Russian leadership promotes a vision of a multipolar world where major powers must have their own “zones of influence.” This implies that other “great powers” have to recognize Moscow’s sphere of dominance over the post-Soviet realm. It also makes Russia’s neighbors increasingly reluctant to delegate their sovereignty to institutions of regional integration, as those are likely to become instruments of Russian domination. As the partners do n…
The Polish minority in the Republic of Lithuania: Internal and external factors
factor is different. Strained Polish-Russian relations do not affect the relations between the Polish and Russian minorities in Lithuania. On the contrary, both minorities collaborate on a wide range of issues
Russia, the Council of Europe, and “Ruxit,” or Why Non-Democratic Illiberal Regimes Join International Organizations
Russian membership in the Council of Europe is a function of two threats: isolation internationally and too much democratization/liberalization domestically. These concerns conditioned Russia’s halcyon first decade of membership. Looking forward, however, the obligations of membership challenge Vladimir Putin’s limited interest in further domestic reforms at a time when international isolation bothers him less. The authors argue that understandin…
Are post-Soviet leaders doomed to be populist? A comparative analysis of Putin and Nazarbayev
The use of populist ideology can be an important element of the survival strategy for authoritarian leaders being an important tool for regime stabilization. The incentives for using populist ideology are shaping in response to a current combination of a threat to incumbent's rule. As the examples of Putin and Nazarbayev, ruling in neighbouring authoritarian Russia and Kazakhstan, demonstrate, the intensity and scope with which the leader resorts…
The Low Quality of National Governance and Unevenness in the Economic Competitiveness of Regions: The Case of Russia
Strong institutions and good governance are instrumental for success in the global economy. While the quality of national governance has positive effect on a country’s economic performance, it is not a necessary condition. Poor governance can be offset with the country’s comparative advantages; however, such advantages are likely to be geographically concentrated. We argue that in present-day Russia weak institutions and low quality of national g…
To decentralize or to continue on the centralization track: The cases of authoritarian regimes in Russia and Kazakhstan
Decisions on decentralization versus centralization come as a result of strategic choices made by politicians after weighing their costs and benefits. In authoritarian regimes, the highest-priority political task is that of restraining political competition and securing power in the hands of the incumbent. This task incentivizes politicians to restrict political decentralization (or at least block reforms promoting such decentralization). At the …
Coalition Within a Coalition: The Baltics in the European Union
This article gives an overview of small power problem focusing on the behaviour of small power states within coalitions and their proneness to free riding. To pursue an independent agenda and increase their significance within large associations, the authors argue, small powers tend to create 'coalitions within coalitions', essentially acting as free riders and transferring costs and political responsibility for decisionmaking to larger players. …
Putin’s Russia: The State-Building Strategy
Today state-building processes go on in many parts of the world. In this article I look at Russia’s political development through the prism of state-building, with a focus on Putin’s state-building strategy and the factors that have made its realization possible. I argue that throughout the duration of his reign Putin distinguished himself as a vigorous and effective state-builder with a clearly defined state-building strategy. The paper examines…
How Does Russian Federalism Work? Looking at Internal Borders in the Russian Federation
The article examines the internal borders of the Russian Federation as a way of gaining greater understanding of the functioning of Russian federalism. With its huge territorial expanse, Russia seeks to achieve a dominant position in Eurasia. The mode of organization of Russian space can either facilitate or hinder this ambition. Formally Russia is a federation, but the practices of center-regional relations do not correspond with classical model…
The Calculus of Non-Protest in Russia: Redistributive Expectations from Political Reforms
The puzzle that we address in this essay is the extreme unevenness in the way the Russian public protests against authoritarianism and demands political reforms. Between 2000 and 2013 there were nu
Spatial distribution of power and strategies of states or what and how geopolitics explains
ÏÀÐÒÈÉÍÎÅ ÂÛÄÂÈAEÅÍÈÅ ÊÀÍÄÈÄÀÒÎÂ Â ÎÄÍÎÌÀÍÄÀÒÍÛÕ ÎÊÐÓÃÀÕ ÍÀ ÂÛÁÎÐÀÕ
Regional Governors and the Kremlin: The Ongoing Battle for Power
This article examines the relationship between heads of regional administrations (governors) and the federal government in Russia since 1992. It looks at the methods with which governors have enhanced their powers vis-a-vis Moscow and at the policies of the federal authorities aimed at preserving some form of control over regional officials. The article argues that the gubernatorial elections of September 1996–March 1997, which gave almost all go…
To decentralize or to continue on the centralization track: The cases of authoritarian regimes in Russia and Kazakhstan
Decisions on decentralization versus centralization come as a result of strategic choices made by politicians after weighing their costs and benefits. In authoritarian regimes, the highest-priority political task is that of restraining political competition and securing power in the hands of the incumbent. This task incentivizes politicians to restrict political decentralization (or at least block reforms promoting such decentralization). At the …
Pandemic Decentralization: Covid-19 and Principal–Agent Relations in Russia
In authoritarian Russia, during the COVID-19 crisis the federal center unilaterally shifted the costs of unpopular anti-pandemic measures onto the regions. By applying the principal–agent theory to the Russian case, we show that, faced with the delegated task of combating the pandemic, agents (regional governors) shirked: using informational asymmetry, they started manipulating information about their activity to the principal (federal center). A…
Russia, Post-Soviet Integration, and the Eaeu: The Balance between Domination and Cooperation
The Russian leadership promotes a vision of a multipolar world where major powers must have their own “zones of influence.” This implies that other “great powers” have to recognize Moscow’s sphere of dominance over the post-Soviet realm. It also makes Russia’s neighbors increasingly reluctant to delegate their sovereignty to institutions of regional integration, as those are likely to become instruments of Russian domination. As the partners do n…
Are post-Soviet leaders doomed to be populist? A comparative analysis of Putin and Nazarbayev
The use of populist ideology can be an important element of the survival strategy for authoritarian leaders being an important tool for regime stabilization. The incentives for using populist ideology are shaping in response to a current combination of a threat to incumbent's rule. As the examples of Putin and Nazarbayev, ruling in neighbouring authoritarian Russia and Kazakhstan, demonstrate, the intensity and scope with which the leader resorts…
Covid and Federal Relations in Russia
The COVID -19 crisis has provided an opportunity to re-evaluate how the federal relations work in authoritarian Russia. In particular, the crisis has confirmed that the regional governors are an integral part of maintaining the stability of the non-democratic regime. Since the whole system and thus, the political careers of the incumbent governors depend on Putin’s popularity, they are interested in maintaining it, even at the expense of their ow…
The Calculus of Non-Protest in Russia: Redistributive Expectations from Political Reforms
The puzzle that we address in this essay is the extreme unevenness in the way the Russian public protests against authoritarianism and demands political reforms. Between 2000 and 2013 there were nu
How Does Russian Federalism Work? Looking at Internal Borders in the Russian Federation
The article examines the internal borders of the Russian Federation as a way of gaining greater understanding of the functioning of Russian federalism. With its huge territorial expanse, Russia seeks to achieve a dominant position in Eurasia. The mode of organization of Russian space can either facilitate or hinder this ambition. Formally Russia is a federation, but the practices of center-regional relations do not correspond with classical model…
Regional Governors and the Kremlin: The Ongoing Battle for Power
This article examines the relationship between heads of regional administrations (governors) and the federal government in Russia since 1992. It looks at the methods with which governors have enhanced their powers vis-a-vis Moscow and at the policies of the federal authorities aimed at preserving some form of control over regional officials. The article argues that the gubernatorial elections of September 1996–March 1997, which gave almost all go…
Trade-offs and inconsistencies of the Russian foreign policy: The case of Eurasia
In this article, we explore the inherent trade-offs and inconsistencies of Russia’s policies toward the post-Soviet space. We argue that attempts to rebuild an image of Russia as a “great power” have actually led to a reduction of Russian influence in the post-Soviet region. The more Russia acted as a “Great Power,” the less credible was its promise to respect the national sovereignty of the former Soviet republics. In 2011, Vladimir Putin declar…
Coalition Within a Coalition: The Baltics in the European Union
This article gives an overview of small power problem focusing on the behaviour of small power states within coalitions and their proneness to free riding. To pursue an independent agenda and increase their significance within large associations, the authors argue, small powers tend to create 'coalitions within coalitions', essentially acting as free riders and transferring costs and political responsibility for decisionmaking to larger players. …
The regional dimension of Russia’s resilience during its war against Ukraine: An Introduction
This symposium challenges the common perception that authoritarian regimes are less resilient than democratic ones because they lack the sources of democratic resilience. We focus on Russia, a personalist authoritarian regime, which has demonstrated a surprisingly high level of resilience during its war against Ukraine. We argue that for a territorially large and diverse country such as Russia, the critical dimension of resilience is manifested i…
The sources of territorial resilience in Putin’s Russia
This article aims to explain the sources of territorial resilience in Russia. It demonstrates that the basis of territorial resilience is the "power vertical," i.e. the current model of center–regional relations. This model ensures political centralization and, consequently, political uniformity. The model is supported by several formalized institutions, including the selection of governors, the guidance and monitoring of governors by the preside…
The Polish minority in the Republic of Lithuania: Internal and external factors
factor is different. Strained Polish-Russian relations do not affect the relations between the Polish and Russian minorities in Lithuania. On the contrary, both minorities collaborate on a wide range of issues
Russia, the Council of Europe, and “Ruxit,” or Why Non-Democratic Illiberal Regimes Join International Organizations
Russian membership in the Council of Europe is a function of two threats: isolation internationally and too much democratization/liberalization domestically. These concerns conditioned Russia’s halcyon first decade of membership. Looking forward, however, the obligations of membership challenge Vladimir Putin’s limited interest in further domestic reforms at a time when international isolation bothers him less. The authors argue that understandin…
Ready to protest? Explaining protest potential in Russian regional capitals
The 2021 urban political protests in Russia in support of Alexei Navalny have swept the country, beginning in the Far East and reaching Moscow. They, however, displayed large variation in the number of protesters taking to the streets in the country’s regional capitals. While the immediate driver of urban protests is usually a political event or a decision of authorities, the willingness to protest accumulates before that, creating protest potent…
Putin’s Russia: The State-Building Strategy
Today state-building processes go on in many parts of the world. In this article I look at Russia’s political development through the prism of state-building, with a focus on Putin’s state-building strategy and the factors that have made its realization possible. I argue that throughout the duration of his reign Putin distinguished himself as a vigorous and effective state-builder with a clearly defined state-building strategy. The paper examines…
Regional Governors and the Kremlin: The Ongoing Battle for Power
This article examines the relationship between heads of regional administrations (governors) and the federal government in Russia since 1992. It looks at the methods with which governors have enhanced their powers vis-a-vis Moscow and at the policies of the federal authorities aimed at preserving some form of control over regional officials. The article argues that the gubernatorial elections of September 1996–March 1997, which gave almost all go…
Spatial distribution of power and strategies of states or what and how geopolitics explains
ÏÀÐÒÈÉÍÎÅ ÂÛÄÂÈAEÅÍÈÅ ÊÀÍÄÈÄÀÒÎÂ Â ÎÄÍÎÌÀÍÄÀÒÍÛÕ ÎÊÐÓÃÀÕ ÍÀ ÂÛÁÎÐÀÕ
The Calculus of Non-Protest in Russia: Redistributive Expectations from Political Reforms
The puzzle that we address in this essay is the extreme unevenness in the way the Russian public protests against authoritarianism and demands political reforms. Between 2000 and 2013 there were nu
Putin’s Russia: The State-Building Strategy
Today state-building processes go on in many parts of the world. In this article I look at Russia’s political development through the prism of state-building, with a focus on Putin’s state-building strategy and the factors that have made its realization possible. I argue that throughout the duration of his reign Putin distinguished himself as a vigorous and effective state-builder with a clearly defined state-building strategy. The paper examines…
How Does Russian Federalism Work? Looking at Internal Borders in the Russian Federation
The article examines the internal borders of the Russian Federation as a way of gaining greater understanding of the functioning of Russian federalism. With its huge territorial expanse, Russia seeks to achieve a dominant position in Eurasia. The mode of organization of Russian space can either facilitate or hinder this ambition. Formally Russia is a federation, but the practices of center-regional relations do not correspond with classical model…
Coalition Within a Coalition: The Baltics in the European Union
This article gives an overview of small power problem focusing on the behaviour of small power states within coalitions and their proneness to free riding. To pursue an independent agenda and increase their significance within large associations, the authors argue, small powers tend to create 'coalitions within coalitions', essentially acting as free riders and transferring costs and political responsibility for decisionmaking to larger players. …
The Low Quality of National Governance and Unevenness in the Economic Competitiveness of Regions: The Case of Russia
Strong institutions and good governance are instrumental for success in the global economy. While the quality of national governance has positive effect on a country’s economic performance, it is not a necessary condition. Poor governance can be offset with the country’s comparative advantages; however, such advantages are likely to be geographically concentrated. We argue that in present-day Russia weak institutions and low quality of national g…
To decentralize or to continue on the centralization track: The cases of authoritarian regimes in Russia and Kazakhstan
Decisions on decentralization versus centralization come as a result of strategic choices made by politicians after weighing their costs and benefits. In authoritarian regimes, the highest-priority political task is that of restraining political competition and securing power in the hands of the incumbent. This task incentivizes politicians to restrict political decentralization (or at least block reforms promoting such decentralization). At the …
The Polish minority in the Republic of Lithuania: Internal and external factors
factor is different. Strained Polish-Russian relations do not affect the relations between the Polish and Russian minorities in Lithuania. On the contrary, both minorities collaborate on a wide range of issues
Russia, the Council of Europe, and “Ruxit,” or Why Non-Democratic Illiberal Regimes Join International Organizations
Russian membership in the Council of Europe is a function of two threats: isolation internationally and too much democratization/liberalization domestically. These concerns conditioned Russia’s halcyon first decade of membership. Looking forward, however, the obligations of membership challenge Vladimir Putin’s limited interest in further domestic reforms at a time when international isolation bothers him less. The authors argue that understandin…
Are post-Soviet leaders doomed to be populist? A comparative analysis of Putin and Nazarbayev
The use of populist ideology can be an important element of the survival strategy for authoritarian leaders being an important tool for regime stabilization. The incentives for using populist ideology are shaping in response to a current combination of a threat to incumbent's rule. As the examples of Putin and Nazarbayev, ruling in neighbouring authoritarian Russia and Kazakhstan, demonstrate, the intensity and scope with which the leader resorts…
The Hows and Whys of Reforming Russian Federalism
Federative relationships are essentially an intertwining of mutual dependencies: Regional politicians are granted powers to act independently, at least in some areas, while they serve as dependent
Russia, Post-Soviet Integration, and the Eaeu: The Balance between Domination and Cooperation
The Russian leadership promotes a vision of a multipolar world where major powers must have their own “zones of influence.” This implies that other “great powers” have to recognize Moscow’s sphere of dominance over the post-Soviet realm. It also makes Russia’s neighbors increasingly reluctant to delegate their sovereignty to institutions of regional integration, as those are likely to become instruments of Russian domination. As the partners do n…
Covid and Federal Relations in Russia
The COVID -19 crisis has provided an opportunity to re-evaluate how the federal relations work in authoritarian Russia. In particular, the crisis has confirmed that the regional governors are an integral part of maintaining the stability of the non-democratic regime. Since the whole system and thus, the political careers of the incumbent governors depend on Putin’s popularity, they are interested in maintaining it, even at the expense of their ow…
Trade-offs and inconsistencies of the Russian foreign policy: The case of Eurasia
In this article, we explore the inherent trade-offs and inconsistencies of Russia’s policies toward the post-Soviet space. We argue that attempts to rebuild an image of Russia as a “great power” have actually led to a reduction of Russian influence in the post-Soviet region. The more Russia acted as a “Great Power,” the less credible was its promise to respect the national sovereignty of the former Soviet republics. In 2011, Vladimir Putin declar…
Pandemic Decentralization: Covid-19 and Principal–Agent Relations in Russia
In authoritarian Russia, during the COVID-19 crisis the federal center unilaterally shifted the costs of unpopular anti-pandemic measures onto the regions. By applying the principal–agent theory to the Russian case, we show that, faced with the delegated task of combating the pandemic, agents (regional governors) shirked: using informational asymmetry, they started manipulating information about their activity to the principal (federal center). A…
Ready to protest? Explaining protest potential in Russian regional capitals
The 2021 urban political protests in Russia in support of Alexei Navalny have swept the country, beginning in the Far East and reaching Moscow. They, however, displayed large variation in the number of protesters taking to the streets in the country’s regional capitals. While the immediate driver of urban protests is usually a political event or a decision of authorities, the willingness to protest accumulates before that, creating protest potent…
The regional dimension of Russia’s resilience during its war against Ukraine: An Introduction
This symposium challenges the common perception that authoritarian regimes are less resilient than democratic ones because they lack the sources of democratic resilience. We focus on Russia, a personalist authoritarian regime, which has demonstrated a surprisingly high level of resilience during its war against Ukraine. We argue that for a territorially large and diverse country such as Russia, the critical dimension of resilience is manifested i…
The sources of territorial resilience in Putin’s Russia
This article aims to explain the sources of territorial resilience in Russia. It demonstrates that the basis of territorial resilience is the "power vertical," i.e. the current model of center–regional relations. This model ensures political centralization and, consequently, political uniformity. The model is supported by several formalized institutions, including the selection of governors, the guidance and monitoring of governors by the preside…
State populism in Russia in a time of war: Examining discourses on ‘anti-Russian’ sanctions
This article examines state populism as a key mechanism enabling the survival of authoritarian regimes. In contrast to anti-establishment populism, which portrays the ruling elites as the main enemy of the people and sets the people against the elites, state populism sees the state, created and run by the incumbent elites, as the protector of the interests of the people. Drawing on our research on contemporary Russia, we show how the workings of …
The Impact of War on Center-Regional Relations in Russia: The Case of Defense-Linked Regions
Russia’s war against Ukraine was the immediate impetus for the realization of the strategic intentions of the Russian leadership – to “integrate the war into the national economy” and to turn the defense sector into the driving force of the country’s development. The strategic character of all these changes affects the country’s territorial structure: we observe the “rise” of the defense-linked regions. These regions demonstrated high levels of e…
Authoritarian state-driven regionalism before and after the war: The case of the Russian Far East
Political science (20 works) · Economics (17 works) · Politics (15 works) · Law (13 works) · Law (13 works) · Political economy (12 works) · Sociology (10 works) · Economic system (9 works) · Russia and Soviet political economy (7 works) · Democracy (6 works)