Degang Sun
Biographic Data
| ID | 4177073 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Degang Sun |
| GIVEN NAMES | Degang |
| FAMILY NAME | Sun |
| SIGNATURE | SUN D |
| AFFILIATIONS | Fudan University |
| ORCID | 0009-0003-3418-8558 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 31 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 48 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 30 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 1 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2010 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 3 |
From fragmentation to integration: China’s “Vertical-Horizontal Model” for the protection of overseas interests
Since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, China’s overseas interests have been faced with a growing array of multidimensional threats. China has carried out legislative and institutional reforms, forming a “vertical-horizontal model” for interagency cooperation and government-society fusion. The central government of China has passed a series of legislative acts to legalise China’s protection of overseas interests, a top-dow…
US-China Institutional Rivalries and West Asian Countries’ Divergent Responses
As great power competition is escalating, institutional rivalries have emerged as a new lens for understanding interstate competition. Institutional rivalries are important components of the strategic rivalries between the US and China in West Asia due to the US zero-sum mentality. There are two types of institutional rivalries between the two powers: regional and global. In the context of multipolarity, the international institutional rivalries …
All Roads Lead to Beijing? Global Value Chains and China’s ‘Global South Diplomacy’ towards the Arab Countries
The US-China Strategic Competition in the GCC Countries: A Case of ‘New Infrastructure Statecraft’
Saudi Arabia's US‐China Hedging Strategy And Its Regional Impact
Since Mohammed bin Salman's rise to power in 2015, Saudi Arabia's foreign policy has transformed from security‐driven to development‐driven. This study analyzes how pressures from the international system and domestic factors have shaped the kingdom's strategy toward China and the United States, and how this has affected its approach to the Israel‐Iran rivalry and the Gaza war. Traditionally reliant on the US security umbrella, Riyadh has sought …
The Military Presence of Foreign Powers in the Horn of Africa: A Case of “Disrupting Rivalry
The current literature on the study of rivalries in international relations focuses on “scrambling rivalry,” whose underpinning logic is that actors try to maximize their positional, spatial, ideological, and interventional influence in resource-rich regions. However, in the last three decades the Horn of Africa, an area with relatively poor natural resources, fragile states, and conflict-prone interstate relations, has hosted thousands of foreig…
China’s Hedging Strategy in the Gulf: A Case of ‘Even-handedness’ Diplomacy
The current scholarly and policy researches highlight that hedging strategy is usually applied by small powers in the face of great power competitions. This article argues that the strategy can be implemented by great powers in the face of conflicts and competition among other states as well. The hidden logic of Beijing’s hedging strategy is seeking a zero-enemy policy in the Gulf and beyond by building a network of partnerships to minimise geo-p…
Conflict Resolution Initiatives in the Gulf Region: A Perspective and Assessment
The articles which comprise this Special Issue stem from a workshop entitled ‘Conflict Resolution Initiatives in the Gulf and Beyond: Strategies of Engagement and Prospects of Success,’ convened at
China and Türkiye’s Strategic Cooperation in the 21 st Century: A ‘Complex Role’ Prism
China and Türkiye, the two pivotal states with global political, economic, and cultural influence, are located at the two ends of East Asia and West Asia, respectively. They are both rising, non-western, and authoritarian powers. Thus, they should have built a strategic partnership. However, unlike China’s comprehensive strategic partnerships with Algeria, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Iran, and the UAE, the relations between China and Türkiye have been a…
GCC Countries’ Future Relationship With the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation: Motivation and Prospect
The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is the most important economic, energy and political coalition in the Middle East. The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is the most influential Eurasian political and economic bloc. In the vicissitude international situation, the SCO is expanding westward; Qatar and Saudi Arabia have become the partners of dialogue; Bahrain, Kuwait and the UAE have applied for being partners for dialogue. Likewise, the GC…
China-Iran strategic cooperation agreement in the changing international system
Since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, the international political and economic system has changed dramatically. The Western powers are in decline, while the non-western Asian and Eurasian powers are rising. The three-century-long Western dominated international system is giving way to a mixed system with Global North and Global South playing predominant roles simultaneously. In face of the changing international system, China and Iran are …
Introduction to the Special Issue of Ajmeis on “Living Together Separately: Social and Cultural Implications of Migration to the GCC”
Over the years since discourse about migrant labour became central to academic study of the Gulf region, a substantial outpouring of literature has been produced on the phenomenon. Its statistical
China and Egypt’s comprehensive strategic partnership in the Xi-sisi era: A ‘role theory’ prism
Despite the limitations of its bilateral trade volume and security cooperation with China, Egypt was the first Middle Eastern and Arab country that established a strategic partnership with China in 1999 and the second to build a comprehensive strategic partnership in 2014. This article employs role theory to unpack this seeming paradox, and argues that it is largely because of the compatibility of their national role conceptions that China and Eg…
In with the New: China's Nuclear‐Energy Diplomacy in the Middle East
Nuclear energy, the new frontier of China's cooperation with the Middle East, carries both geoeconomic and geopolitical implications. The development of civil nuclear energy is conducive to the diversification of the energy structure of Middle Eastern countries, meets their increasing needs for electricity at home, and improves their seawater desalinization. Giving full play to its incremental advantage, China's diplomacy strives to expand the ma…
Peace Through Development”: China’s Peace Initiative for the Middle Eastern Conflict Resolution
Outside powers have diverse visions of international peace in the Middle East. The first is the “peace through strength” hypothesis, arguing that a “security deficit” is the root cause of conflict. Proponents of the hypothesis argue for building networks of military bases and strategic alliances, conducting, if necessary, regime changes and military strikes in an anti-terror campaign, a mode of security governance. The second features “peace thro…
The Images of China and Britain in the Syrian Media: A Comparison
China and Britain have contrasting images in the official and unofficial Syrian media. By analysing relevant news stories, this study reveals that China’s involvement in the Syrian crisis as covered by the Syrian media is usually limited to governmental affairs, while Britain’s involvement covered by the Syrian media, especially the “revolutionary” outlet, figures in a relatively wider range of diverse nongovernmental happenings including activit…
China and the Islamic World: How the New Silk Road is Transforming Global Politics By Robert R. Bianchi
Relations between China and the Islamic world, connected by the old Silk Road, can be traced back to the seventh century. In 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping put forward the Belt and Road Initiative (the ‘BRI’ or the ‘New Silk Road Initiative’), aiming to revitalize the old Eurasian connectivity and, in particular, build a more balanced international system and transform the Western-dominated ‘core–periphery’ system. The Islamic world, located …
Securing China’s ‘Latent Power’: The Dragon’s Anchorage in Djibouti
China’s military presence and seaport constructions in the West Pacific and the Indian Ocean have prompted hostile reactions from the US, Japan, Australia, and India. Conversely, its dual-use base in Djibouti has not generated as much controversy hitherto. To decipher this enigma, the article analyzes the base within the context of China’s ‘latent power.’ China cultivates latent power for economic interests in the Middle East and Africa, while do…
China’s Whole-of-Region Diplomacy in the Middle East: Opportunities and Challenges
To safeguard its economic and security interests, China has adopted a whole-of-region diplomacy in the Middle East since the end of the Cold war. Through a multitude of regional and international organizations, China has been able to maintain constructive interactions with Middle Eastern countries while deepening its ties with other major powers like the United States, the European Union, Russia, Japan and India. China’s diplomatic efforts have p…
China’s Military Diplomacy towards Arab Countries in Africa’s Peace and Security: The Case of Djibouti
China’s security concept is evolving, and its participation in Africa’s Arab countries’ peacekeeping is transforming itself from aloof bystander to active player, and from multilateralism to both multi- and unilateralism. The establishment of China’s logistics base in Djibouti does not signify a sudden change in China’s African foreign policy; instead, change has been gradual and tangible and began with the evolution of China’s participation in U…
China and the Middle East security governance in the new era
In the 21st century, conflicts in the Middle East can generally be classified into four types, namely: conflicts between outside powers and Middle Eastern countries; between Middle Eastern countries themselves; between different political parties and religious sects within a sovereign country; as well as transnational and cross-border conflicts. The mode of China’s participation in Middle Eastern security governance includes political, security a…
China’s Participation in Conflict Resolution in the Middle East and North Africa: A Case of Quasi-Mediation Diplomacy
‘Quasi-mediation diplomacy’ refers to the role a ‘mediating’ state plays in international activities to defend its commercial, political and diplomatic interests rather than core security and strategic interests. This type of mediator acts without seeking to dominate; to follow rather than to lead; to partake in the revision of the agenda rather than setting it; and, to encourage conflict de-escalation in lieu of determinedly engaging in conflict…
Development First”: China’s Investment in Seaport Constructions and Operations along the Maritime Silk Road
Seaports are crucial pivots connecting a state’s national economy with the world economy. As the largest developing country and one of the largest seaport constructors and operators in the world, China insists on the importance of improving people’s livelihood by building key seaports infrastructure, airports, power plants, highways, and railways. Invited by the host countries, China has participated broadly in the construction and operations of …
The Arab States of the Gulf and BRICS: New Strategic Partnerships in Politics and Economics
Building an “Outer Space Silk Road”: China’s Beidou Navigation Satellite System in the Arab World
Navigation satellite systems are the symbols of states’ hard power, and so are the assets of science and technology diplomacy. In the new era, the structure of great powers’ navigation satellite systems is characterized by “one superpower” (the US GPS), “multi-pillars” (EU’s Galileo, Russian GLONASS and Chinese Beidou), and “multi-centers” (Indian regional navigation satellite system and Japanese quasi zenith navigation satellite system). Beidou …
China’s Participation in Conflict Resolution in the Middle East and North Africa: A Case of Quasi-Mediation Diplomacy
‘Quasi-mediation diplomacy’ refers to the role a ‘mediating’ state plays in international activities to defend its commercial, political and diplomatic interests rather than core security and strategic interests. This type of mediator acts without seeking to dominate; to follow rather than to lead; to partake in the revision of the agenda rather than setting it; and, to encourage conflict de-escalation in lieu of determinedly engaging in conflict…
China's Economic Diplomacy towards the Arab Countries: Challenges ahead
Since the outbreak of the Arab revolts in late 2010, China has adhered to its ‘business-first’ economic diplomacy towards the Arab countries, a policy driven by China's ongoing geoeconomic interests. The ten-year-old China–Arab States Cooperation Forum serves as the nucleus for China's economic diplomacy in the region. The Chinese authorities have also initiated interagency coordination and central–local governments' power sharing in order to pur…
Development First”: China’s Investment in Seaport Constructions and Operations along the Maritime Silk Road
Seaports are crucial pivots connecting a state’s national economy with the world economy. As the largest developing country and one of the largest seaport constructors and operators in the world, China insists on the importance of improving people’s livelihood by building key seaports infrastructure, airports, power plants, highways, and railways. Invited by the host countries, China has participated broadly in the construction and operations of …
China and Egypt’s comprehensive strategic partnership in the Xi-sisi era: A ‘role theory’ prism
Despite the limitations of its bilateral trade volume and security cooperation with China, Egypt was the first Middle Eastern and Arab country that established a strategic partnership with China in 1999 and the second to build a comprehensive strategic partnership in 2014. This article employs role theory to unpack this seeming paradox, and argues that it is largely because of the compatibility of their national role conceptions that China and Eg…
Building an “Outer Space Silk Road”: China’s Beidou Navigation Satellite System in the Arab World
Navigation satellite systems are the symbols of states’ hard power, and so are the assets of science and technology diplomacy. In the new era, the structure of great powers’ navigation satellite systems is characterized by “one superpower” (the US GPS), “multi-pillars” (EU’s Galileo, Russian GLONASS and Chinese Beidou), and “multi-centers” (Indian regional navigation satellite system and Japanese quasi zenith navigation satellite system). Beidou …
The Eagle's Nest in the Horn of Africa: US Military Strategic Deployment in Djibouti
Djibouti is the only country in the world in which US, French, German, Italian, Spanish, and Japanese military forces are stationed simultaneously; China will soon have a presence there as well. The US military deployment in Djibouti has shifted from a soft military presence to an arrangement of significant strategic import, and from a small outpost to a large garrison in the past two decades. The internal dynamics of the US deployment are geopol…
In with the New: China's Nuclear‐Energy Diplomacy in the Middle East
Nuclear energy, the new frontier of China's cooperation with the Middle East, carries both geoeconomic and geopolitical implications. The development of civil nuclear energy is conducive to the diversification of the energy structure of Middle Eastern countries, meets their increasing needs for electricity at home, and improves their seawater desalinization. Giving full play to its incremental advantage, China's diplomacy strives to expand the ma…
Peace Through Development”: China’s Peace Initiative for the Middle Eastern Conflict Resolution
Outside powers have diverse visions of international peace in the Middle East. The first is the “peace through strength” hypothesis, arguing that a “security deficit” is the root cause of conflict. Proponents of the hypothesis argue for building networks of military bases and strategic alliances, conducting, if necessary, regime changes and military strikes in an anti-terror campaign, a mode of security governance. The second features “peace thro…
Securing China’s ‘Latent Power’: The Dragon’s Anchorage in Djibouti
China’s military presence and seaport constructions in the West Pacific and the Indian Ocean have prompted hostile reactions from the US, Japan, Australia, and India. Conversely, its dual-use base in Djibouti has not generated as much controversy hitherto. To decipher this enigma, the article analyzes the base within the context of China’s ‘latent power.’ China cultivates latent power for economic interests in the Middle East and Africa, while do…
China’s Military Diplomacy towards Arab Countries in Africa’s Peace and Security: The Case of Djibouti
China’s security concept is evolving, and its participation in Africa’s Arab countries’ peacekeeping is transforming itself from aloof bystander to active player, and from multilateralism to both multi- and unilateralism. The establishment of China’s logistics base in Djibouti does not signify a sudden change in China’s African foreign policy; instead, change has been gradual and tangible and began with the evolution of China’s participation in U…
China and the Middle East security governance in the new era
In the 21st century, conflicts in the Middle East can generally be classified into four types, namely: conflicts between outside powers and Middle Eastern countries; between Middle Eastern countries themselves; between different political parties and religious sects within a sovereign country; as well as transnational and cross-border conflicts. The mode of China’s participation in Middle Eastern security governance includes political, security a…
China's Response to the Revolts in the Arab World: A Case of Pragmatic Diplomacy
China's response to the Arab revolts demonstrates its pragmatic diplomacy. From the perspective of the ‘China–US–MENA triangle’, the Chinese leadership has perceived the revolts as an extension of China's ‘strategic opportunity’ for its economic rise and political expansion abroad in the past two decades. The tactics of China's pragmatic diplomacy are: ‘crossing the river by tossing the stones’, integrating diplomatic tools, implementing construc…
China and the Global Jihad Network
The global jihadist network in Eurasia is growing as terrorism spreads from the Middle East to the geographically broader “arc of instability,” which covers North Africa, West Asia, Central Asia, and South Asia. Influenced by their close ties with global jihadism, the terrorist groups targeting China openly challenge the legitimacy of China's administration in Xinjiang by raising the banners of liberty, freedom, and human rights, while advocating…
Six Decades of Chinese Middle East Studies: A Review
Since the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, Chinese Middle East studies have gone through three stages: beginnings (1949–1978), growth (1979–1999), and accelerated development (2000–2010). Research institutes evolved from state-controlled propaganda offices into multi-dimensional academic and non-academic entities, including universities, research institutes, military institutions, government offices, overseas embassies, and mas…
China's Response to the Revolts in the Arab World: A Case of Pragmatic Diplomacy
China's response to the Arab revolts demonstrates its pragmatic diplomacy. From the perspective of the ‘China–US–MENA triangle’, the Chinese leadership has perceived the revolts as an extension of China's ‘strategic opportunity’ for its economic rise and political expansion abroad in the past two decades. The tactics of China's pragmatic diplomacy are: ‘crossing the river by tossing the stones’, integrating diplomatic tools, implementing construc…
From A By-stander to A Constructor: China and the Middle East Security Governance
In the 21st century, Middle East conflicts can generally be classified into four types, namely, conflicts between outside powers and Middle East countries, between Middle East countries themselves, between different political parties and religious sects within a sovereign country, as well as transnational and cross-bordering conflicts. The mode of China’s participation in Middle East security governance includes the political, security and social…
China's Economic Diplomacy towards the Arab Countries: Challenges ahead
Since the outbreak of the Arab revolts in late 2010, China has adhered to its ‘business-first’ economic diplomacy towards the Arab countries, a policy driven by China's ongoing geoeconomic interests. The ten-year-old China–Arab States Cooperation Forum serves as the nucleus for China's economic diplomacy in the region. The Chinese authorities have also initiated interagency coordination and central–local governments' power sharing in order to pur…
The Arab States of the Gulf and BRICS: New Strategic Partnerships in Politics and Economics
Building an “Outer Space Silk Road”: China’s Beidou Navigation Satellite System in the Arab World
Navigation satellite systems are the symbols of states’ hard power, and so are the assets of science and technology diplomacy. In the new era, the structure of great powers’ navigation satellite systems is characterized by “one superpower” (the US GPS), “multi-pillars” (EU’s Galileo, Russian GLONASS and Chinese Beidou), and “multi-centers” (Indian regional navigation satellite system and Japanese quasi zenith navigation satellite system). Beidou …
The Eagle's Nest in the Horn of Africa: US Military Strategic Deployment in Djibouti
Djibouti is the only country in the world in which US, French, German, Italian, Spanish, and Japanese military forces are stationed simultaneously; China will soon have a presence there as well. The US military deployment in Djibouti has shifted from a soft military presence to an arrangement of significant strategic import, and from a small outpost to a large garrison in the past two decades. The internal dynamics of the US deployment are geopol…
China and the Middle East security governance in the new era
In the 21st century, conflicts in the Middle East can generally be classified into four types, namely: conflicts between outside powers and Middle Eastern countries; between Middle Eastern countries themselves; between different political parties and religious sects within a sovereign country; as well as transnational and cross-border conflicts. The mode of China’s participation in Middle Eastern security governance includes political, security a…
China’s Participation in Conflict Resolution in the Middle East and North Africa: A Case of Quasi-Mediation Diplomacy
‘Quasi-mediation diplomacy’ refers to the role a ‘mediating’ state plays in international activities to defend its commercial, political and diplomatic interests rather than core security and strategic interests. This type of mediator acts without seeking to dominate; to follow rather than to lead; to partake in the revision of the agenda rather than setting it; and, to encourage conflict de-escalation in lieu of determinedly engaging in conflict…
Development First”: China’s Investment in Seaport Constructions and Operations along the Maritime Silk Road
Seaports are crucial pivots connecting a state’s national economy with the world economy. As the largest developing country and one of the largest seaport constructors and operators in the world, China insists on the importance of improving people’s livelihood by building key seaports infrastructure, airports, power plants, highways, and railways. Invited by the host countries, China has participated broadly in the construction and operations of …
China’s Military Diplomacy towards Arab Countries in Africa’s Peace and Security: The Case of Djibouti
China’s security concept is evolving, and its participation in Africa’s Arab countries’ peacekeeping is transforming itself from aloof bystander to active player, and from multilateralism to both multi- and unilateralism. The establishment of China’s logistics base in Djibouti does not signify a sudden change in China’s African foreign policy; instead, change has been gradual and tangible and began with the evolution of China’s participation in U…
China’s Whole-of-Region Diplomacy in the Middle East: Opportunities and Challenges
To safeguard its economic and security interests, China has adopted a whole-of-region diplomacy in the Middle East since the end of the Cold war. Through a multitude of regional and international organizations, China has been able to maintain constructive interactions with Middle Eastern countries while deepening its ties with other major powers like the United States, the European Union, Russia, Japan and India. China’s diplomatic efforts have p…
Securing China’s ‘Latent Power’: The Dragon’s Anchorage in Djibouti
China’s military presence and seaport constructions in the West Pacific and the Indian Ocean have prompted hostile reactions from the US, Japan, Australia, and India. Conversely, its dual-use base in Djibouti has not generated as much controversy hitherto. To decipher this enigma, the article analyzes the base within the context of China’s ‘latent power.’ China cultivates latent power for economic interests in the Middle East and Africa, while do…
Peace Through Development”: China’s Peace Initiative for the Middle Eastern Conflict Resolution
Outside powers have diverse visions of international peace in the Middle East. The first is the “peace through strength” hypothesis, arguing that a “security deficit” is the root cause of conflict. Proponents of the hypothesis argue for building networks of military bases and strategic alliances, conducting, if necessary, regime changes and military strikes in an anti-terror campaign, a mode of security governance. The second features “peace thro…
The Images of China and Britain in the Syrian Media: A Comparison
China and Britain have contrasting images in the official and unofficial Syrian media. By analysing relevant news stories, this study reveals that China’s involvement in the Syrian crisis as covered by the Syrian media is usually limited to governmental affairs, while Britain’s involvement covered by the Syrian media, especially the “revolutionary” outlet, figures in a relatively wider range of diverse nongovernmental happenings including activit…
China and the Islamic World: How the New Silk Road is Transforming Global Politics By Robert R. Bianchi
Relations between China and the Islamic world, connected by the old Silk Road, can be traced back to the seventh century. In 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping put forward the Belt and Road Initiative (the ‘BRI’ or the ‘New Silk Road Initiative’), aiming to revitalize the old Eurasian connectivity and, in particular, build a more balanced international system and transform the Western-dominated ‘core–periphery’ system. The Islamic world, located …
China-Iran strategic cooperation agreement in the changing international system
Since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, the international political and economic system has changed dramatically. The Western powers are in decline, while the non-western Asian and Eurasian powers are rising. The three-century-long Western dominated international system is giving way to a mixed system with Global North and Global South playing predominant roles simultaneously. In face of the changing international system, China and Iran are …
Introduction to the Special Issue of Ajmeis on “Living Together Separately: Social and Cultural Implications of Migration to the GCC”
Over the years since discourse about migrant labour became central to academic study of the Gulf region, a substantial outpouring of literature has been produced on the phenomenon. Its statistical
China and Egypt’s comprehensive strategic partnership in the Xi-sisi era: A ‘role theory’ prism
Despite the limitations of its bilateral trade volume and security cooperation with China, Egypt was the first Middle Eastern and Arab country that established a strategic partnership with China in 1999 and the second to build a comprehensive strategic partnership in 2014. This article employs role theory to unpack this seeming paradox, and argues that it is largely because of the compatibility of their national role conceptions that China and Eg…
In with the New: China's Nuclear‐Energy Diplomacy in the Middle East
Nuclear energy, the new frontier of China's cooperation with the Middle East, carries both geoeconomic and geopolitical implications. The development of civil nuclear energy is conducive to the diversification of the energy structure of Middle Eastern countries, meets their increasing needs for electricity at home, and improves their seawater desalinization. Giving full play to its incremental advantage, China's diplomacy strives to expand the ma…
GCC Countries’ Future Relationship With the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation: Motivation and Prospect
The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is the most important economic, energy and political coalition in the Middle East. The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is the most influential Eurasian political and economic bloc. In the vicissitude international situation, the SCO is expanding westward; Qatar and Saudi Arabia have become the partners of dialogue; Bahrain, Kuwait and the UAE have applied for being partners for dialogue. Likewise, the GC…
China’s Hedging Strategy in the Gulf: A Case of ‘Even-handedness’ Diplomacy
The current scholarly and policy researches highlight that hedging strategy is usually applied by small powers in the face of great power competitions. This article argues that the strategy can be implemented by great powers in the face of conflicts and competition among other states as well. The hidden logic of Beijing’s hedging strategy is seeking a zero-enemy policy in the Gulf and beyond by building a network of partnerships to minimise geo-p…
Conflict Resolution Initiatives in the Gulf Region: A Perspective and Assessment
The articles which comprise this Special Issue stem from a workshop entitled ‘Conflict Resolution Initiatives in the Gulf and Beyond: Strategies of Engagement and Prospects of Success,’ convened at
China and Türkiye’s Strategic Cooperation in the 21 st Century: A ‘Complex Role’ Prism
China and Türkiye, the two pivotal states with global political, economic, and cultural influence, are located at the two ends of East Asia and West Asia, respectively. They are both rising, non-western, and authoritarian powers. Thus, they should have built a strategic partnership. However, unlike China’s comprehensive strategic partnerships with Algeria, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Iran, and the UAE, the relations between China and Türkiye have been a…
China (26 works) · Political science (26 works) · Law (20 works) · Politics (20 works) · Economics (17 works) · Law (16 works) · Middle East and Rwanda Conflicts (15 works) · International Relations and Foreign Policy (12 works) · Middle East (12 works) · Economy (11 works)