Nenad Stojanović
Biographic Data
| ID | 4275862 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Nenad Stojanović |
| GIVEN NAMES | Nenad |
| FAMILY NAME | Stojanović |
| SIGNATURE | STOJANOVIC N |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Geneva |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-3973-6045 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 26 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 139 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 26 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2006 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 7 |
Institutional configurations and deliberative innovation
The global rise of deliberative democratic innovations, particularly minipublics such as citizens’ assemblies and deliberative polls, has been marked by uneven adoption across advanced democracies. While some countries have integrated these mechanisms into their democratic frameworks, others remain hesitant, raising questions about the institutional conditions that facilitate or hinder their adoption. This study employs qualitative comparative an…
Does Federalism Facilitate Permanent Minipublics
Deliberative minipublics have been flourishing across the globe, but most have been conducted as one-off experiments. Only in a few cases has their use been codified in formal decisions or positive law. Notable examples include the state of Oregon in the United States, the German-speaking community in Belgium, and the city of Aachen in Germany. Strikingly, many of these cases emerge from federal, multilevel, or otherwise highly decentralised syst…
Who supports deliberative mini-publics in a context of direct democracy? The role of trust and dissatisfaction
Existing research on public perceptions of deliberative mini-publics focuses on contexts of representative democracy. We present the first study that explores citizen support for deliberative mini-publics in a polity characterised by extensive direct democracy, where citizen participation is already substantive and frequent. Empirically, we draw on a population survey featuring a conjoint experiment with 3700 respondents conducted in early 2023 i…
Exploring Electoral Discrimination Through an Ethics of Office Accountability
Multilingual Parties and the Ethics of Partisanship
In this article, we argue that within multilingual polities, whether national or transnational, multilingual parties are all-things-considered more desirable than monolingual parties operating via a lingua franca. First, we develop a taxonomy of what we believe are the main ideal-type models of “linguistic democracy,” that is, of the relationship between language and democracy in multilingual polities. Second, we argue that multilingual parties a…
Are Immigrant-Origin Candidates Penalized Due to Ingroup Favoritism or Outgroup Hostility
An influential explanation for the persistent political underrepresentation of minorities in elected office is that minority candidates are discriminated against by voters of the dominant ethnic group. We argue, however, for the need to distinguish between two forms of discrimination: ingroup favoritism and outgroup hostility. We measure the impact of each by using an extensive data set drawn from Swiss elections, where voters can cast both posit…
Democracy, ethnoicracy and consociational demoicracy
This article questions the notion of ‘consociational democracy’. It argues that it rests on shaky ground, empirically and conceptually. As an empirical matter, a consociation is inherently unstable because it tends either to collapse into ethnoicracy (where the power is shared by the main ethnic groups so that citizens who do not belong to them are politically marginalized) or to become a non-consociational, liberal democracy. At the conceptual l…
Political Parties in Deeply Multilingual Polities
The EU has long been suffering a legitimacy crisis. In this article we argue that multilingual Europarties, that is, European political parties operating in all the various languages spoken by their members via interpreting and translation, rather than resorting to a lingua franca, could contribute to providing an effective democratic linkage between EU citizens and EU institutions. Moreover, by drawing inspiration from an analysis of Belgium, Ca…
Electoral Discrimination Against Immigrant-Origin Candidates
Electoral incentives for cross-ethnic voting
Prospects for democracy in multi-ethnic societies are generally more promising if elections are not mere ethnic censuses, in which people vote predominantly for co-ethnic parties and candidates. But what institutions facilitate or hinder ethnic voting? Unlike past studies, this article explores ethnic voting by conducting a natural experiment (rather than surveys or laboratory experiments). It examines the case of Fribourg, a bilingual (French/Ge…
Political marginalization of “Others” in consociational regimes
Equal Recognition, Minority Rights and Liberal Democracy
Alan Patten’s theory of equal recognition and its contribution to the debate over multiculturalism
In this introduction, we first give a brief overview of the debate over multiculturalism in political theory. We then situate Alan Patten’s Equal Recognition in that context by highlighting his major normative thesis, according to which there are reasons of principle, in a liberal democracy, to grant special forms of public recognition and accommodation to cultural minorities. Finally, we present a succinct summary of the nine articles that follo…
Normative political theory, democratic politics and minority rights
In Equal Recognition, Alan Patten argues that in a proper relationship between normative political theory and democratic politics, we must make a clear distinction between two questions related to cultural rights: (a) authority (who should decide?) and (b) the substance of deliberation. The question he wants to explore, however, is not the authority question but the substantive question. The aim of this article is to show that an account of equal…
Party, Regional and Linguistic Proportionality Under Majoritarian Rules
The elections to the Swiss Federal Council in December 2015 re‐established a system of party‐centred concordance, cherished in consociational theory, consisting of two representatives of the Swiss People's Party, two Radicals, two Social Democrats and one Christian Democrat. At the same time, the government has rarely been as unbalanced in terms of the representation of Switzerland's languages and regions. The article analyses the concept of conc…
Die Zusammensetzung des Schweizerischen Bundesrates nach Partei, Region, Sprache und Religion, 1848–2015
Verschiedene Kriterien sind für die Wahl in den Bundesrat bedeutend. Seit 1999 muss die Bundesversammlung darauf Rücksicht nehmen, dass verschiedene Sprachen und Regionen der Schweiz im Bundesrat angemessen vertreten sind (Art. 175 Ab. 4 BV). Zusätzlich achtet das Parlament darauf, dass ein gewisser Parteiproporz und die Präsenz beider Geschlechter in der Regierung gesichert werden. Früher war auch die konfessionelle Zugehörigkeit der Bundesratsm…
Minority Rights and Realpolitik
This article explores the arguments used in parliamentary debates, in 2008, to justify the adoption of reserved seats for national minorities in local parliaments in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Content analyses of two parliamentary debates at the state level and nine municipal assembly sessions reveal two dominant frames: an ‘obligation frame’ and a ‘constituent peoples frame’. The former refers to the adoption of reserved seats for minorities as an …
Introduction
The Roma and the Jews make up less than half a per cent of the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina. And yet their leaders could sue their country, successfully, at the European Court of Human Rights, by claiming that the system of reserved seats in the state Presidency and the second chamber of Parliament is monopolised by and for the three ‘constituent peoples’ (Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs) and, thus, discriminatory towards minorities and other…
When non-nationalist voters support ethno-nationalist parties
In 1990, according to polls, 7 out of 10 citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina were against ethnic parties. Yet, 75% of voters ended up voting for one of the three main ethno-nationalist parties. In no other post-communist country, including other former Yugoslav republics, did ethnic parties receive such large support in the first democratic elections. In Croatia, for example, in the 1990 elections the Croatian ethnic party Hrvatska demokratska zaj…
The Northern Ireland Experience of Conflict and Agreement. A Model for Export
The Northern Ireland Experience of Conflict and Agreement. A Model for Export." Regional & Federal Studies, 22(2), pp. 231–232
Öffentlichkeit und Sprachenvielfalt. Medienvermittelte Kommunikation zur Europapolitik in der Deutsch‐ und Westschweiz; Gespaltene Schweiz – geeinte Schweiz. Gesellschaftliche Spaltungen und Konkordan…
Öffentlichkeit und Sprachenvielfalt. Medienvermittelte Kommunikation zur Europapolitik in der Deutsch- und Westschweiz Tresch, Anke Baden-Baden : Nomos ( 2008 ), 301 p ., ISBN 978-3-8329-3361-6 Gespaltene Schweiz – geeinte Schweiz. Gesellschaftliche Spaltungen und Konkordanz bei den Volksabstimmungen seit 1874 Linder, Wolf, Zürcher, Regula et Christian Bolliger Baden : hier+jetzt, Verlag für Kultur und Geschichte ( 2008 ), 244 p ., ISBN 978-3-039…
The acid test? Competing theses on the nationality – democracy nexus and the case of Switzerland
This article deals with the connection between nationality and democracy and explores the role Switzerland plays in the scholarly debate on this question. It identifies three main theses – liberal‐nationalist, liberal‐multinationalist and liberal‐postnationalist – and shows that each of them uses the Swiss case to claim empirical support. It then analyses the connections between nationality and democracy in Switzerland and demonstrates that the c…
Switzerland
Une conception dynamique du principe de territorialité linguistique
Selon le principe de territorialité linguistique (PTL), il peut y avoir une seule langue officielle dans un territoire donné : cuius regio, eius lingua . Une fois établies, les frontières linguistiques ne peuvent que difficilement être modifiées. Selon les défenseurs du PTL, il s’agit du meilleur moyen de protéger les langues menacées ; il offre également un « contexte de choix » aux individus. Ses adversaires, par contre, montrent du doigt les h…
How to Solve the Dilemma of Power Sharing? Formal and Informal Patterns of Representation in the Swiss Multilingual Cantons
Formal rules for group representation like constitutional quotas or reserved seats are among the most widespread mechanisms of power sharing in culturally heterogeneous countries. Critics, however, consider these tools as counterproductive for the establishment of peace and democracy in such societies. In this paper it is claimed that this ‘dilemma of power sharing’ can be tackled by focusing upon informal practices for group representation and o…
Electoral Discrimination Against Immigrant-Origin Candidates
Are Immigrant-Origin Candidates Penalized Due to Ingroup Favoritism or Outgroup Hostility
An influential explanation for the persistent political underrepresentation of minorities in elected office is that minority candidates are discriminated against by voters of the dominant ethnic group. We argue, however, for the need to distinguish between two forms of discrimination: ingroup favoritism and outgroup hostility. We measure the impact of each by using an extensive data set drawn from Swiss elections, where voters can cast both posit…
The acid test? Competing theses on the nationality – democracy nexus and the case of Switzerland
This article deals with the connection between nationality and democracy and explores the role Switzerland plays in the scholarly debate on this question. It identifies three main theses – liberal‐nationalist, liberal‐multinationalist and liberal‐postnationalist – and shows that each of them uses the Swiss case to claim empirical support. It then analyses the connections between nationality and democracy in Switzerland and demonstrates that the c…
Democracy, ethnoicracy and consociational demoicracy
This article questions the notion of ‘consociational democracy’. It argues that it rests on shaky ground, empirically and conceptually. As an empirical matter, a consociation is inherently unstable because it tends either to collapse into ethnoicracy (where the power is shared by the main ethnic groups so that citizens who do not belong to them are politically marginalized) or to become a non-consociational, liberal democracy. At the conceptual l…
How to Solve the Dilemma of Power Sharing? Formal and Informal Patterns of Representation in the Swiss Multilingual Cantons
Formal rules for group representation like constitutional quotas or reserved seats are among the most widespread mechanisms of power sharing in culturally heterogeneous countries. Critics, however, consider these tools as counterproductive for the establishment of peace and democracy in such societies. In this paper it is claimed that this ‘dilemma of power sharing’ can be tackled by focusing upon informal practices for group representation and o…
Do Multicultural Democracies Really Require PR? Counterevidence from Switzerland
Central to consociational (or power-sharing) theory is the claim that multicultural societies require electoral systems based on proportional representation (PR) in order to ensure a fair representation of the various cultural groups in parliament. In this context, Switzerland is often cited as a “PR country”, as well as the key example of successful consociationalism. This article argues that, in this respect, the Swiss experience does not suppo…
Electoral incentives for cross-ethnic voting
Prospects for democracy in multi-ethnic societies are generally more promising if elections are not mere ethnic censuses, in which people vote predominantly for co-ethnic parties and candidates. But what institutions facilitate or hinder ethnic voting? Unlike past studies, this article explores ethnic voting by conducting a natural experiment (rather than surveys or laboratory experiments). It examines the case of Fribourg, a bilingual (French/Ge…
Multilingual Parties and the Ethics of Partisanship
In this article, we argue that within multilingual polities, whether national or transnational, multilingual parties are all-things-considered more desirable than monolingual parties operating via a lingua franca. First, we develop a taxonomy of what we believe are the main ideal-type models of “linguistic democracy,” that is, of the relationship between language and democracy in multilingual polities. Second, we argue that multilingual parties a…
Switzerland
Political Parties in Deeply Multilingual Polities
The EU has long been suffering a legitimacy crisis. In this article we argue that multilingual Europarties, that is, European political parties operating in all the various languages spoken by their members via interpreting and translation, rather than resorting to a lingua franca, could contribute to providing an effective democratic linkage between EU citizens and EU institutions. Moreover, by drawing inspiration from an analysis of Belgium, Ca…
Party, Regional and Linguistic Proportionality Under Majoritarian Rules
The elections to the Swiss Federal Council in December 2015 re‐established a system of party‐centred concordance, cherished in consociational theory, consisting of two representatives of the Swiss People's Party, two Radicals, two Social Democrats and one Christian Democrat. At the same time, the government has rarely been as unbalanced in terms of the representation of Switzerland's languages and regions. The article analyses the concept of conc…
Minority Rights and Realpolitik
This article explores the arguments used in parliamentary debates, in 2008, to justify the adoption of reserved seats for national minorities in local parliaments in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Content analyses of two parliamentary debates at the state level and nine municipal assembly sessions reveal two dominant frames: an ‘obligation frame’ and a ‘constituent peoples frame’. The former refers to the adoption of reserved seats for minorities as an …
Introduction
The Roma and the Jews make up less than half a per cent of the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina. And yet their leaders could sue their country, successfully, at the European Court of Human Rights, by claiming that the system of reserved seats in the state Presidency and the second chamber of Parliament is monopolised by and for the three ‘constituent peoples’ (Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs) and, thus, discriminatory towards minorities and other…
Alan Patten’s theory of equal recognition and its contribution to the debate over multiculturalism
In this introduction, we first give a brief overview of the debate over multiculturalism in political theory. We then situate Alan Patten’s Equal Recognition in that context by highlighting his major normative thesis, according to which there are reasons of principle, in a liberal democracy, to grant special forms of public recognition and accommodation to cultural minorities. Finally, we present a succinct summary of the nine articles that follo…
Normative political theory, democratic politics and minority rights
In Equal Recognition, Alan Patten argues that in a proper relationship between normative political theory and democratic politics, we must make a clear distinction between two questions related to cultural rights: (a) authority (who should decide?) and (b) the substance of deliberation. The question he wants to explore, however, is not the authority question but the substantive question. The aim of this article is to show that an account of equal…
Die Zusammensetzung des Schweizerischen Bundesrates nach Partei, Region, Sprache und Religion, 1848–2015
Verschiedene Kriterien sind für die Wahl in den Bundesrat bedeutend. Seit 1999 muss die Bundesversammlung darauf Rücksicht nehmen, dass verschiedene Sprachen und Regionen der Schweiz im Bundesrat angemessen vertreten sind (Art. 175 Ab. 4 BV). Zusätzlich achtet das Parlament darauf, dass ein gewisser Parteiproporz und die Präsenz beider Geschlechter in der Regierung gesichert werden. Früher war auch die konfessionelle Zugehörigkeit der Bundesratsm…
Do Multicultural Democracies Really Require PR? Counterevidence from Switzerland
Central to consociational (or power-sharing) theory is the claim that multicultural societies require electoral systems based on proportional representation (PR) in order to ensure a fair representation of the various cultural groups in parliament. In this context, Switzerland is often cited as a “PR country”, as well as the key example of successful consociationalism. This article argues that, in this respect, the Swiss experience does not suppo…
How to Solve the Dilemma of Power Sharing? Formal and Informal Patterns of Representation in the Swiss Multilingual Cantons
Formal rules for group representation like constitutional quotas or reserved seats are among the most widespread mechanisms of power sharing in culturally heterogeneous countries. Critics, however, consider these tools as counterproductive for the establishment of peace and democracy in such societies. In this paper it is claimed that this ‘dilemma of power sharing’ can be tackled by focusing upon informal practices for group representation and o…
Une conception dynamique du principe de territorialité linguistique
Selon le principe de territorialité linguistique (PTL), il peut y avoir une seule langue officielle dans un territoire donné : cuius regio, eius lingua . Une fois établies, les frontières linguistiques ne peuvent que difficilement être modifiées. Selon les défenseurs du PTL, il s’agit du meilleur moyen de protéger les langues menacées ; il offre également un « contexte de choix » aux individus. Ses adversaires, par contre, montrent du doigt les h…
Öffentlichkeit und Sprachenvielfalt. Medienvermittelte Kommunikation zur Europapolitik in der Deutsch‐ und Westschweiz; Gespaltene Schweiz – geeinte Schweiz. Gesellschaftliche Spaltungen und Konkordan…
Öffentlichkeit und Sprachenvielfalt. Medienvermittelte Kommunikation zur Europapolitik in der Deutsch- und Westschweiz Tresch, Anke Baden-Baden : Nomos ( 2008 ), 301 p ., ISBN 978-3-8329-3361-6 Gespaltene Schweiz – geeinte Schweiz. Gesellschaftliche Spaltungen und Konkordanz bei den Volksabstimmungen seit 1874 Linder, Wolf, Zürcher, Regula et Christian Bolliger Baden : hier+jetzt, Verlag für Kultur und Geschichte ( 2008 ), 244 p ., ISBN 978-3-039…
The acid test? Competing theses on the nationality – democracy nexus and the case of Switzerland
This article deals with the connection between nationality and democracy and explores the role Switzerland plays in the scholarly debate on this question. It identifies three main theses – liberal‐nationalist, liberal‐multinationalist and liberal‐postnationalist – and shows that each of them uses the Swiss case to claim empirical support. It then analyses the connections between nationality and democracy in Switzerland and demonstrates that the c…
Switzerland
The Northern Ireland Experience of Conflict and Agreement. A Model for Export
The Northern Ireland Experience of Conflict and Agreement. A Model for Export." Regional & Federal Studies, 22(2), pp. 231–232
When non-nationalist voters support ethno-nationalist parties
In 1990, according to polls, 7 out of 10 citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina were against ethnic parties. Yet, 75% of voters ended up voting for one of the three main ethno-nationalist parties. In no other post-communist country, including other former Yugoslav republics, did ethnic parties receive such large support in the first democratic elections. In Croatia, for example, in the 1990 elections the Croatian ethnic party Hrvatska demokratska zaj…
Minority Rights and Realpolitik
This article explores the arguments used in parliamentary debates, in 2008, to justify the adoption of reserved seats for national minorities in local parliaments in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Content analyses of two parliamentary debates at the state level and nine municipal assembly sessions reveal two dominant frames: an ‘obligation frame’ and a ‘constituent peoples frame’. The former refers to the adoption of reserved seats for minorities as an …
Introduction
The Roma and the Jews make up less than half a per cent of the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina. And yet their leaders could sue their country, successfully, at the European Court of Human Rights, by claiming that the system of reserved seats in the state Presidency and the second chamber of Parliament is monopolised by and for the three ‘constituent peoples’ (Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs) and, thus, discriminatory towards minorities and other…
Alan Patten’s theory of equal recognition and its contribution to the debate over multiculturalism
In this introduction, we first give a brief overview of the debate over multiculturalism in political theory. We then situate Alan Patten’s Equal Recognition in that context by highlighting his major normative thesis, according to which there are reasons of principle, in a liberal democracy, to grant special forms of public recognition and accommodation to cultural minorities. Finally, we present a succinct summary of the nine articles that follo…
Normative political theory, democratic politics and minority rights
In Equal Recognition, Alan Patten argues that in a proper relationship between normative political theory and democratic politics, we must make a clear distinction between two questions related to cultural rights: (a) authority (who should decide?) and (b) the substance of deliberation. The question he wants to explore, however, is not the authority question but the substantive question. The aim of this article is to show that an account of equal…
Party, Regional and Linguistic Proportionality Under Majoritarian Rules
The elections to the Swiss Federal Council in December 2015 re‐established a system of party‐centred concordance, cherished in consociational theory, consisting of two representatives of the Swiss People's Party, two Radicals, two Social Democrats and one Christian Democrat. At the same time, the government has rarely been as unbalanced in terms of the representation of Switzerland's languages and regions. The article analyses the concept of conc…
Die Zusammensetzung des Schweizerischen Bundesrates nach Partei, Region, Sprache und Religion, 1848–2015
Verschiedene Kriterien sind für die Wahl in den Bundesrat bedeutend. Seit 1999 muss die Bundesversammlung darauf Rücksicht nehmen, dass verschiedene Sprachen und Regionen der Schweiz im Bundesrat angemessen vertreten sind (Art. 175 Ab. 4 BV). Zusätzlich achtet das Parlament darauf, dass ein gewisser Parteiproporz und die Präsenz beider Geschlechter in der Regierung gesichert werden. Früher war auch die konfessionelle Zugehörigkeit der Bundesratsm…
Political marginalization of “Others” in consociational regimes
Equal Recognition, Minority Rights and Liberal Democracy
Electoral Discrimination Against Immigrant-Origin Candidates
Electoral incentives for cross-ethnic voting
Prospects for democracy in multi-ethnic societies are generally more promising if elections are not mere ethnic censuses, in which people vote predominantly for co-ethnic parties and candidates. But what institutions facilitate or hinder ethnic voting? Unlike past studies, this article explores ethnic voting by conducting a natural experiment (rather than surveys or laboratory experiments). It examines the case of Fribourg, a bilingual (French/Ge…
Democracy, ethnoicracy and consociational demoicracy
This article questions the notion of ‘consociational democracy’. It argues that it rests on shaky ground, empirically and conceptually. As an empirical matter, a consociation is inherently unstable because it tends either to collapse into ethnoicracy (where the power is shared by the main ethnic groups so that citizens who do not belong to them are politically marginalized) or to become a non-consociational, liberal democracy. At the conceptual l…
Political Parties in Deeply Multilingual Polities
The EU has long been suffering a legitimacy crisis. In this article we argue that multilingual Europarties, that is, European political parties operating in all the various languages spoken by their members via interpreting and translation, rather than resorting to a lingua franca, could contribute to providing an effective democratic linkage between EU citizens and EU institutions. Moreover, by drawing inspiration from an analysis of Belgium, Ca…
Multilingual Parties and the Ethics of Partisanship
In this article, we argue that within multilingual polities, whether national or transnational, multilingual parties are all-things-considered more desirable than monolingual parties operating via a lingua franca. First, we develop a taxonomy of what we believe are the main ideal-type models of “linguistic democracy,” that is, of the relationship between language and democracy in multilingual polities. Second, we argue that multilingual parties a…
Are Immigrant-Origin Candidates Penalized Due to Ingroup Favoritism or Outgroup Hostility
An influential explanation for the persistent political underrepresentation of minorities in elected office is that minority candidates are discriminated against by voters of the dominant ethnic group. We argue, however, for the need to distinguish between two forms of discrimination: ingroup favoritism and outgroup hostility. We measure the impact of each by using an extensive data set drawn from Swiss elections, where voters can cast both posit…
Does Federalism Facilitate Permanent Minipublics
Deliberative minipublics have been flourishing across the globe, but most have been conducted as one-off experiments. Only in a few cases has their use been codified in formal decisions or positive law. Notable examples include the state of Oregon in the United States, the German-speaking community in Belgium, and the city of Aachen in Germany. Strikingly, many of these cases emerge from federal, multilevel, or otherwise highly decentralised syst…
Who supports deliberative mini-publics in a context of direct democracy? The role of trust and dissatisfaction
Existing research on public perceptions of deliberative mini-publics focuses on contexts of representative democracy. We present the first study that explores citizen support for deliberative mini-publics in a polity characterised by extensive direct democracy, where citizen participation is already substantive and frequent. Empirically, we draw on a population survey featuring a conjoint experiment with 3700 respondents conducted in early 2023 i…
Exploring Electoral Discrimination Through an Ethics of Office Accountability
Political science (23 works) · Law (19 works) · Politics (17 works) · Democracy (16 works) · Law (16 works) · Sociology (16 works) · Political Systems and Governance (10 works) · Political economy (9 works) · European Union Policy and Governance (8 works) · Economics (7 works)