Michele Fenzl
Biographic Data
| ID | 4372052 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Michele Fenzl |
| GIVEN NAMES | Michele |
| FAMILY NAME | Fenzl |
| SIGNATURE | FENZL M |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Zurich |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-3769-1744 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 6 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 40 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 6 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2018 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2025 |
| H-INDEX | 4 |
Out of sight out of mind? Voter attitudes about cooperation with radical parties in Europe
Do voters view cooperation between mainstream and radical parties differently when it occurs at the European as opposed to national level, and if so, why? Using an original survey experiment with over 8000 respondents from Germany and Italy, this paper explores how voters react to cooperation with radical political parties at the national and EU levels once they are made aware that such cooperation is occurring. Our results show that voters react…
A shadow on democracy? The shadow economy and government responsiveness
Government responsiveness is a key feature and justification for democracy. Yet, previous studies show that the ability of governments to deliver responsive policies critically depends on the availability of resources. This study suggests that the shadow economy hurts democratic responsiveness because it reduces government revenues and decreases the reliability of economic statistics. Governments facing lower resources then respond to wider econo…
Bicameralism and Policy Responsiveness to Public Opinion
Does the organization of the assembly affect whether governments deliver policy that reflects the public's changing preferences? Cross‐national analyses of public opinion and policy outputs for policies concerning welfare and immigration show that governments respond to shifts in public opinion in systems with a dominant chamber but not where bicameralism is strong. Our theory's emphasis on the distribution of power between chambers further expla…
From polarization of the public to polarization of the electorate
This study examines the effect of voters’ ideological extremism on turnout in European national and European Parliament elections. Using data from recent European Election Studies, the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, and other national election studies, we find that, relative to centrists, ideological extremists (measured by self-placement on the left–right scales) are more likely to vote in European Parliament elections (2014 and 2019) b…
Responsiveness, If You Can Afford It
Traditional theories of representation posit that political parties have incentives to respond to public opinion, which, in turn, is reflected in public policy as parties come together to form governments. Absent from this chain of representation, however, is the notion of costs. We advance the study of policy responsiveness by arguing that the government’s cost of responding to the electorate is marginal under conditions of strong economic growt…
Income inequality and party (de)polarisation
Scholars of US politics report a strong connection between income inequality and party polarisation. This study evaluates this relationship comparatively, and finds that the opposite association holds outside the United States, namely, that increasing inequality depolarises political parties' economic positions. High levels of inequality change the composition of the core constituencies on the left and depress the participation of low-income vote…
Income inequality and party (de)polarisation
Scholars of US politics report a strong connection between income inequality and party polarisation. This study evaluates this relationship comparatively, and finds that the opposite association holds outside the United States, namely, that increasing inequality depolarises political parties' economic positions. High levels of inequality change the composition of the core constituencies on the left and depress the participation of low-income vote…
Responsiveness, If You Can Afford It
Traditional theories of representation posit that political parties have incentives to respond to public opinion, which, in turn, is reflected in public policy as parties come together to form governments. Absent from this chain of representation, however, is the notion of costs. We advance the study of policy responsiveness by arguing that the government’s cost of responding to the electorate is marginal under conditions of strong economic growt…
Bicameralism and Policy Responsiveness to Public Opinion
Does the organization of the assembly affect whether governments deliver policy that reflects the public's changing preferences? Cross‐national analyses of public opinion and policy outputs for policies concerning welfare and immigration show that governments respond to shifts in public opinion in systems with a dominant chamber but not where bicameralism is strong. Our theory's emphasis on the distribution of power between chambers further expla…
Out of sight out of mind? Voter attitudes about cooperation with radical parties in Europe
Do voters view cooperation between mainstream and radical parties differently when it occurs at the European as opposed to national level, and if so, why? Using an original survey experiment with over 8000 respondents from Germany and Italy, this paper explores how voters react to cooperation with radical political parties at the national and EU levels once they are made aware that such cooperation is occurring. Our results show that voters react…
Income inequality and party (de)polarisation
Scholars of US politics report a strong connection between income inequality and party polarisation. This study evaluates this relationship comparatively, and finds that the opposite association holds outside the United States, namely, that increasing inequality depolarises political parties' economic positions. High levels of inequality change the composition of the core constituencies on the left and depress the participation of low-income vote…
Responsiveness, If You Can Afford It
Traditional theories of representation posit that political parties have incentives to respond to public opinion, which, in turn, is reflected in public policy as parties come together to form governments. Absent from this chain of representation, however, is the notion of costs. We advance the study of policy responsiveness by arguing that the government’s cost of responding to the electorate is marginal under conditions of strong economic growt…
From polarization of the public to polarization of the electorate
This study examines the effect of voters’ ideological extremism on turnout in European national and European Parliament elections. Using data from recent European Election Studies, the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, and other national election studies, we find that, relative to centrists, ideological extremists (measured by self-placement on the left–right scales) are more likely to vote in European Parliament elections (2014 and 2019) b…
A shadow on democracy? The shadow economy and government responsiveness
Government responsiveness is a key feature and justification for democracy. Yet, previous studies show that the ability of governments to deliver responsive policies critically depends on the availability of resources. This study suggests that the shadow economy hurts democratic responsiveness because it reduces government revenues and decreases the reliability of economic statistics. Governments facing lower resources then respond to wider econo…
Bicameralism and Policy Responsiveness to Public Opinion
Does the organization of the assembly affect whether governments deliver policy that reflects the public's changing preferences? Cross‐national analyses of public opinion and policy outputs for policies concerning welfare and immigration show that governments respond to shifts in public opinion in systems with a dominant chamber but not where bicameralism is strong. Our theory's emphasis on the distribution of power between chambers further expla…
Out of sight out of mind? Voter attitudes about cooperation with radical parties in Europe
Do voters view cooperation between mainstream and radical parties differently when it occurs at the European as opposed to national level, and if so, why? Using an original survey experiment with over 8000 respondents from Germany and Italy, this paper explores how voters react to cooperation with radical political parties at the national and EU levels once they are made aware that such cooperation is occurring. Our results show that voters react…
Economics (6 works) · Law (6 works) · Political economy (6 works) · Political science (6 works) · Politics (6 works) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (5 works) · Law (5 works) · Populism, Right-Wing Movements (3 works) · Public Administration (3 works) · Public Administration (3 works)