Aaron A Moore
Datos Biográficos
| ID | 4373676 |
|---|---|
| NOMBRE | Aaron A Moore |
| NOMBRES | Aaron A |
| APELLIDO | Moore |
| FIRMA | MOORE A A |
| AFILIACIONES | University of Winnipeg |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-6106-4943 |
| VERIFICADO | Sí |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 17 |
| TOTAL DE CITAS | 100 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 17 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMER AÑO DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2009 |
| AÑO MÁS RECIENTE DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2026 |
| ÍNDICE H | 6 |
Municipal Economic Development “Key Sectors”
This article explores whether municipal economic development priorities align with Canada's changing economy and workforce and whether these same priorities address the employment needs of municipalities' working‐age residents. Our analysis draws on census division and census subdivision data from the 2021 Canadian Census and our own original database of economic sector priorities in Canadian municipalities with populations greater than 20,000. W…
The efficacy of statutory public hearings for planning
Statutory public hearings for urban development proposals are among the oldest venues for public participation in urban planning in the U.S., Canada, and many other jurisdictions, and the most common venues for resident participation in planning. A number of scholars discuss public hearings in their work. However, such depictions are often contradictory and do not test nor examine whether public hearings allow residents to influence planning deci…
Motivations for Mobilization
This paper compares and contrasts suburban and urban residents’ attitudes and behavior toward development by comparing the frequency and motivation for mobilization of residents in the suburbs of Surrey, British Columbia, and Brampton, Ontario, with residents of their respective metropolitan urban cores. It finds that suburban residents engage less in planning politics than their urban counterparts and that they are more likely to oppose developm…
The Canadian Municipal Election Study
It is in this context of rapid growth of the field of local political behaviour that we introduce the Canadian Municipal Election Study (CMES) dataset. With a total sample size of 14,458, the dataset includes survey responses from voters and non-voters in eight of Canada’s largest cities: Vancouver, Calgary, Winnipeg, London, Mississauga, Toronto, Montreal, and Quebec City. Cities were chosen on the basis of size, contextual variation, and instit…
Response to James Ankers’ review of Electing a Mega-Mayor
An abstract is not available for this content. As you have access to this content, full HTML content is provided on this page. A PDF of this content is also available in through the ‘Save PDF’ action button
The representativeness of neighbourhood associations in Toronto and Vancouver
Neighbourhood associations are major players in urban politics throughout North American cities and increasingly are becoming a political force in other parts of the world. However, while there is a rich and well-developed literature on the role played by neighbourhood associations in urban politics, few studies examine whether their membership reflects the socio-demographic composition and interests of the broader public. This paper addresses th…
The performance of transparency in public–private infrastructure project governance
That public–private infrastructure partnerships (P3s) present problems in relation to democratic accountability has often been noted, with calls for greater transparency often following. Such calls tend to assume that anything that promotes transparency will further accountability and openness. Drawing on socio-legal studies of the documentary and other information practices that underpin and operationalise governance, this article carefully exam…
Voting “Ford” or Against
Objective We investigate the phenomenon of municipal‐level strategic voting in a high‐profile mayoral election with a nonpartisan ballot. The rate of strategic voting is calculated, and we investigate whether different types of anti‐candidate attitudes (based on policy or personality) affect strategic behavior. Methods We use survey data from the 2014 Toronto Election Study. Results The estimated rate of strategic voting was 1.3 percent. Among th…
Toronto's market-oriented subsidised housing PPPs
Economic Voting and Multilevel Governance
Past work has shown that economic conditions influence electoral outcomes at multiple levels of government in Canada and in democratic states around the world. However, there is significant variation in the jurisdictional ability of different governments to influence economic conditions; in particular, municipal governments may be least able to influence the economy. As a result, voters may be less likely to hold municipal incumbents accountable …
Why So Few Women and Minorities in Local Politics
Previous research has examined the effects of incumbency or affinity voting on the political representation of women and minorities. No study has considered the interaction of these two factors, even though there are good reasons to suspect that both may play a key role in voter choice. This study examines the joint effects of incumbency and gender and racial affinity voting in non-partisan and generally low information ward elections in the City…
Paying attention and the incumbency effect
The importance of incumbent evaluations for voting and the existence of an incumbency effect are well-established. However, there is limited research on the effect incumbency has on voters’ engagement with election campaigns. This paper examines whether the use of incumbency as a cue when voting is associated with there being less interest in an election and whether campaign period attentiveness affects incumbent support. We consider these questi…
Decentralized decision‐making and urban planning
This article compares the design and implementation of density for benefit agreements (DBAs), a form of density “bonusing” in Toronto and Vancouver. The cities identify many of the same priorities for benefits secured from developers, but in practice they prioritize widely different benefits. By comparing practice in Toronto and Vancouver, this article demonstrates how institutional differences and the decentralization of policy decision‐making i…
Political Attitudes and Behaviour in a Non-Partisan Environment
Voting behaviour in municipal elections is understudied in Canada. Existing research is limited by the type of data (aggregate instead of individual-level) and the cases evaluated (partisan when most contests are non-partisan). The objective of this study is to contribute to this literature by using individual-level data about a non-partisan election. To do so, we use data from the Toronto Election Study, conducted during the 2014 election. Our r…
Sex (And Ethnicity) in the City
Do women vote for women and men for men? Do visible minorities vote for minority candidates, and white voters for white candidates? And what happens when a minority woman appears on the ballot? This study tests for the presence of gender and ethnic affinity voting in the Toronto mayoral election of 2014, where Olivia Chow was the only woman and only visible minority candidate among the three major contenders. Our analysis, which draws on a survey…
Comparing the Politics of Urban Development in American and Canadian Cities
The politics of urban development has been a major area of study in the United States for some time, and while the field is smaller in Canada, the study of urban development has always been an important aspect of the study of urban politics in this country. However, a fruitful discussion comparing Canadian and American cities has only emerged recently and is still largely in its infancy. Supposed institutional, legal, and cultural differences bet…
The deception of the ‘idea of self‐responsibility’ and ‘individualization’
This paper will focus on the neo‐liberal 'reforms' of Japanese higher education that have taken the form of incorporating national universities, and are now entering a decisive stage one year afterwards. I will also describe the devastation that has resulted from university incorporation. From these descriptions, I will demonstrate how the incorporation of national universities is a typical example of neo‐liberal control in present day Japan. Mor…
Sex (And Ethnicity) in the City
Do women vote for women and men for men? Do visible minorities vote for minority candidates, and white voters for white candidates? And what happens when a minority woman appears on the ballot? This study tests for the presence of gender and ethnic affinity voting in the Toronto mayoral election of 2014, where Olivia Chow was the only woman and only visible minority candidate among the three major contenders. Our analysis, which draws on a survey…
Why So Few Women and Minorities in Local Politics
Previous research has examined the effects of incumbency or affinity voting on the political representation of women and minorities. No study has considered the interaction of these two factors, even though there are good reasons to suspect that both may play a key role in voter choice. This study examines the joint effects of incumbency and gender and racial affinity voting in non-partisan and generally low information ward elections in the City…
Political Attitudes and Behaviour in a Non-Partisan Environment
Voting behaviour in municipal elections is understudied in Canada. Existing research is limited by the type of data (aggregate instead of individual-level) and the cases evaluated (partisan when most contests are non-partisan). The objective of this study is to contribute to this literature by using individual-level data about a non-partisan election. To do so, we use data from the Toronto Election Study, conducted during the 2014 election. Our r…
Paying attention and the incumbency effect
The importance of incumbent evaluations for voting and the existence of an incumbency effect are well-established. However, there is limited research on the effect incumbency has on voters’ engagement with election campaigns. This paper examines whether the use of incumbency as a cue when voting is associated with there being less interest in an election and whether campaign period attentiveness affects incumbent support. We consider these questi…
Economic Voting and Multilevel Governance
Past work has shown that economic conditions influence electoral outcomes at multiple levels of government in Canada and in democratic states around the world. However, there is significant variation in the jurisdictional ability of different governments to influence economic conditions; in particular, municipal governments may be least able to influence the economy. As a result, voters may be less likely to hold municipal incumbents accountable …
Decentralized decision‐making and urban planning
This article compares the design and implementation of density for benefit agreements (DBAs), a form of density “bonusing” in Toronto and Vancouver. The cities identify many of the same priorities for benefits secured from developers, but in practice they prioritize widely different benefits. By comparing practice in Toronto and Vancouver, this article demonstrates how institutional differences and the decentralization of policy decision‐making i…
Voting “Ford” or Against
Objective We investigate the phenomenon of municipal‐level strategic voting in a high‐profile mayoral election with a nonpartisan ballot. The rate of strategic voting is calculated, and we investigate whether different types of anti‐candidate attitudes (based on policy or personality) affect strategic behavior. Methods We use survey data from the 2014 Toronto Election Study. Results The estimated rate of strategic voting was 1.3 percent. Among th…
The Canadian Municipal Election Study
It is in this context of rapid growth of the field of local political behaviour that we introduce the Canadian Municipal Election Study (CMES) dataset. With a total sample size of 14,458, the dataset includes survey responses from voters and non-voters in eight of Canada’s largest cities: Vancouver, Calgary, Winnipeg, London, Mississauga, Toronto, Montreal, and Quebec City. Cities were chosen on the basis of size, contextual variation, and instit…
Motivations for Mobilization
This paper compares and contrasts suburban and urban residents’ attitudes and behavior toward development by comparing the frequency and motivation for mobilization of residents in the suburbs of Surrey, British Columbia, and Brampton, Ontario, with residents of their respective metropolitan urban cores. It finds that suburban residents engage less in planning politics than their urban counterparts and that they are more likely to oppose developm…
The performance of transparency in public–private infrastructure project governance
That public–private infrastructure partnerships (P3s) present problems in relation to democratic accountability has often been noted, with calls for greater transparency often following. Such calls tend to assume that anything that promotes transparency will further accountability and openness. Drawing on socio-legal studies of the documentary and other information practices that underpin and operationalise governance, this article carefully exam…
The efficacy of statutory public hearings for planning
Statutory public hearings for urban development proposals are among the oldest venues for public participation in urban planning in the U.S., Canada, and many other jurisdictions, and the most common venues for resident participation in planning. A number of scholars discuss public hearings in their work. However, such depictions are often contradictory and do not test nor examine whether public hearings allow residents to influence planning deci…
The deception of the ‘idea of self‐responsibility’ and ‘individualization’
This paper will focus on the neo‐liberal 'reforms' of Japanese higher education that have taken the form of incorporating national universities, and are now entering a decisive stage one year afterwards. I will also describe the devastation that has resulted from university incorporation. From these descriptions, I will demonstrate how the incorporation of national universities is a typical example of neo‐liberal control in present day Japan. Mor…
The deception of the ‘idea of self‐responsibility’ and ‘individualization’
This paper will focus on the neo‐liberal 'reforms' of Japanese higher education that have taken the form of incorporating national universities, and are now entering a decisive stage one year afterwards. I will also describe the devastation that has resulted from university incorporation. From these descriptions, I will demonstrate how the incorporation of national universities is a typical example of neo‐liberal control in present day Japan. Mor…
Comparing the Politics of Urban Development in American and Canadian Cities
The politics of urban development has been a major area of study in the United States for some time, and while the field is smaller in Canada, the study of urban development has always been an important aspect of the study of urban politics in this country. However, a fruitful discussion comparing Canadian and American cities has only emerged recently and is still largely in its infancy. Supposed institutional, legal, and cultural differences bet…
Decentralized decision‐making and urban planning
This article compares the design and implementation of density for benefit agreements (DBAs), a form of density “bonusing” in Toronto and Vancouver. The cities identify many of the same priorities for benefits secured from developers, but in practice they prioritize widely different benefits. By comparing practice in Toronto and Vancouver, this article demonstrates how institutional differences and the decentralization of policy decision‐making i…
Political Attitudes and Behaviour in a Non-Partisan Environment
Voting behaviour in municipal elections is understudied in Canada. Existing research is limited by the type of data (aggregate instead of individual-level) and the cases evaluated (partisan when most contests are non-partisan). The objective of this study is to contribute to this literature by using individual-level data about a non-partisan election. To do so, we use data from the Toronto Election Study, conducted during the 2014 election. Our r…
Sex (And Ethnicity) in the City
Do women vote for women and men for men? Do visible minorities vote for minority candidates, and white voters for white candidates? And what happens when a minority woman appears on the ballot? This study tests for the presence of gender and ethnic affinity voting in the Toronto mayoral election of 2014, where Olivia Chow was the only woman and only visible minority candidate among the three major contenders. Our analysis, which draws on a survey…
Toronto's market-oriented subsidised housing PPPs
Economic Voting and Multilevel Governance
Past work has shown that economic conditions influence electoral outcomes at multiple levels of government in Canada and in democratic states around the world. However, there is significant variation in the jurisdictional ability of different governments to influence economic conditions; in particular, municipal governments may be least able to influence the economy. As a result, voters may be less likely to hold municipal incumbents accountable …
Why So Few Women and Minorities in Local Politics
Previous research has examined the effects of incumbency or affinity voting on the political representation of women and minorities. No study has considered the interaction of these two factors, even though there are good reasons to suspect that both may play a key role in voter choice. This study examines the joint effects of incumbency and gender and racial affinity voting in non-partisan and generally low information ward elections in the City…
Paying attention and the incumbency effect
The importance of incumbent evaluations for voting and the existence of an incumbency effect are well-established. However, there is limited research on the effect incumbency has on voters’ engagement with election campaigns. This paper examines whether the use of incumbency as a cue when voting is associated with there being less interest in an election and whether campaign period attentiveness affects incumbent support. We consider these questi…
Voting “Ford” or Against
Objective We investigate the phenomenon of municipal‐level strategic voting in a high‐profile mayoral election with a nonpartisan ballot. The rate of strategic voting is calculated, and we investigate whether different types of anti‐candidate attitudes (based on policy or personality) affect strategic behavior. Methods We use survey data from the 2014 Toronto Election Study. Results The estimated rate of strategic voting was 1.3 percent. Among th…
The performance of transparency in public–private infrastructure project governance
That public–private infrastructure partnerships (P3s) present problems in relation to democratic accountability has often been noted, with calls for greater transparency often following. Such calls tend to assume that anything that promotes transparency will further accountability and openness. Drawing on socio-legal studies of the documentary and other information practices that underpin and operationalise governance, this article carefully exam…
The Canadian Municipal Election Study
It is in this context of rapid growth of the field of local political behaviour that we introduce the Canadian Municipal Election Study (CMES) dataset. With a total sample size of 14,458, the dataset includes survey responses from voters and non-voters in eight of Canada’s largest cities: Vancouver, Calgary, Winnipeg, London, Mississauga, Toronto, Montreal, and Quebec City. Cities were chosen on the basis of size, contextual variation, and instit…
Response to James Ankers’ review of Electing a Mega-Mayor
An abstract is not available for this content. As you have access to this content, full HTML content is provided on this page. A PDF of this content is also available in through the ‘Save PDF’ action button
The representativeness of neighbourhood associations in Toronto and Vancouver
Neighbourhood associations are major players in urban politics throughout North American cities and increasingly are becoming a political force in other parts of the world. However, while there is a rich and well-developed literature on the role played by neighbourhood associations in urban politics, few studies examine whether their membership reflects the socio-demographic composition and interests of the broader public. This paper addresses th…
Motivations for Mobilization
This paper compares and contrasts suburban and urban residents’ attitudes and behavior toward development by comparing the frequency and motivation for mobilization of residents in the suburbs of Surrey, British Columbia, and Brampton, Ontario, with residents of their respective metropolitan urban cores. It finds that suburban residents engage less in planning politics than their urban counterparts and that they are more likely to oppose developm…
The efficacy of statutory public hearings for planning
Statutory public hearings for urban development proposals are among the oldest venues for public participation in urban planning in the U.S., Canada, and many other jurisdictions, and the most common venues for resident participation in planning. A number of scholars discuss public hearings in their work. However, such depictions are often contradictory and do not test nor examine whether public hearings allow residents to influence planning deci…
Municipal Economic Development “Key Sectors”
This article explores whether municipal economic development priorities align with Canada's changing economy and workforce and whether these same priorities address the employment needs of municipalities' working‐age residents. Our analysis draws on census division and census subdivision data from the 2021 Canadian Census and our own original database of economic sector priorities in Canadian municipalities with populations greater than 20,000. W…
Political science (15 obras) · Politics (11 obras) · Law (9 obras) · Economics (8 obras) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (8 obras) · Business (7 obras) · Law (7 obras) · Voting (7 obras) · Urban Planning and Governance (6 obras) · Demographic economics (5 obras)