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Gregory Whitfield

Biographic Data

ID4373905
NAMEGregory Whitfield
GIVEN NAMESGregory
FAMILY NAMEWhitfield
SIGNATUREWHITFIELD G
AFFILIATIONSWashington University in St. Louis
ORCID0000-0003-1220-5911
VERIFIEDYes
TOTAL WORKS6
TOTAL CITATIONS27
WORKS AS AUTHOR6
WORKS AS EDITOR0
FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR2015
LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR2022
H-INDEX3
  • On the concept of political manipulation

    Open Access•Gregory Whitfield•ARTICLE•European Journal of Political…•2022•Cited by: 9•References: 34

    Much liberal-democratic thought has concerned itself primarily – even exclusively – with coercive interference in citizens’ lives. But political actors do things – they engage in influential speech, they offer incentives, they mislead other actors, they disrupt the expected functioning of decision-making mechanisms etc. – that fall short of coercion, yet may nonetheless call for normative evaluation and public justification, precisely because the…

  • Two puzzles for shared-reason accounts of persuasion

    Gregory Whitfield•ARTICLE•Journal of Political Power•2021•Cited by: 1•References: 9

    Dowding has developed an account of deliberative persuasion leveraging ‘reliability conditions’ distinguishing persuasion from manipulation. The central idea is that proper reasons offered for deliberation must be shared reasons: reasons the speaker holds as grounding the proposition, and believes should motivate the receiver’s assent too. I present two puzzles for this account. The first queries the level at which reasons should be shared to cou…

  • Trends

    Open Access•Gregory Whitfield•ARTICLE•Political Research Quarterly•2019•Cited by: 9•References: 37

    In this article, I develop a critical view of the development and state of research ethics in political science. The central problem is that political scientists have inappropriately followed the lead of clinical biomedical research ethics in thinking about their own designs. Specifically I argue that the focus on institutional and group decision-making contexts distinctive to political research presents normative problems not well-addressed by c…

  • Self-respect and public reason

    Gregory Whitfield•ARTICLE•Critical Review of International…•2016•References: 8

    In A Theory of Justice John Rawls argues that self-respect is ‘perhaps the most important’ primary good, and that its status as such gives crucial support to controversial ideas like the lexical priority of liberty. Given the importance of these ideas for Rawls, it should be no surprise that they have attracted much critical attention. In response to these critics I give a defense of self-respect that grounds its importance in Rawls’s moral conce…

  • Self-respect and public reason

    Gregory Whitfield•ARTICLE•Critical Review of International…•2015•References: 12

    In A Theory of Justice, John Rawls argues that self-respect is ‘perhaps the most important’ primary good and that its status as such gives crucial support to controversial ideas like the lexical priority of liberty. Given the importance of these ideas for Rawls, it should be no surprise that they have attracted much critical attention. In response to these critics, I give a defense of self-respect that grounds its importance in Rawls’s moral conc…

  • Republicanism, Perfectionism, and Neutrality

    Open Access•Frank Lovett, Gregory Whitfield•ARTICLE•Journal of Political Philosophy•2015•Cited by: 8•References: 6

  • On the concept of political manipulation

    Open Access•Gregory Whitfield•ARTICLE•European Journal of Political…•2022•Cited by: 9•References: 34

    Much liberal-democratic thought has concerned itself primarily – even exclusively – with coercive interference in citizens’ lives. But political actors do things – they engage in influential speech, they offer incentives, they mislead other actors, they disrupt the expected functioning of decision-making mechanisms etc. – that fall short of coercion, yet may nonetheless call for normative evaluation and public justification, precisely because the…

  • Trends

    Open Access•Gregory Whitfield•ARTICLE•Political Research Quarterly•2019•Cited by: 9•References: 37

    In this article, I develop a critical view of the development and state of research ethics in political science. The central problem is that political scientists have inappropriately followed the lead of clinical biomedical research ethics in thinking about their own designs. Specifically I argue that the focus on institutional and group decision-making contexts distinctive to political research presents normative problems not well-addressed by c…

  • Republicanism, Perfectionism, and Neutrality

    Open Access•Frank Lovett, Gregory Whitfield•ARTICLE•Journal of Political Philosophy•2015•Cited by: 8•References: 6

  • Two puzzles for shared-reason accounts of persuasion

    Gregory Whitfield•ARTICLE•Journal of Political Power•2021•Cited by: 1•References: 9

    Dowding has developed an account of deliberative persuasion leveraging ‘reliability conditions’ distinguishing persuasion from manipulation. The central idea is that proper reasons offered for deliberation must be shared reasons: reasons the speaker holds as grounding the proposition, and believes should motivate the receiver’s assent too. I present two puzzles for this account. The first queries the level at which reasons should be shared to cou…

  • Self-respect and public reason

    Gregory Whitfield•ARTICLE•Critical Review of International…•2015•References: 12

    In A Theory of Justice, John Rawls argues that self-respect is ‘perhaps the most important’ primary good and that its status as such gives crucial support to controversial ideas like the lexical priority of liberty. Given the importance of these ideas for Rawls, it should be no surprise that they have attracted much critical attention. In response to these critics, I give a defense of self-respect that grounds its importance in Rawls’s moral conc…

  • Republicanism, Perfectionism, and Neutrality

    Open Access•Frank Lovett, Gregory Whitfield•ARTICLE•Journal of Political Philosophy•2015•Cited by: 8•References: 6

  • Self-respect and public reason

    Gregory Whitfield•ARTICLE•Critical Review of International…•2016•References: 8

    In A Theory of Justice John Rawls argues that self-respect is ‘perhaps the most important’ primary good, and that its status as such gives crucial support to controversial ideas like the lexical priority of liberty. Given the importance of these ideas for Rawls, it should be no surprise that they have attracted much critical attention. In response to these critics I give a defense of self-respect that grounds its importance in Rawls’s moral conce…

  • Trends

    Open Access•Gregory Whitfield•ARTICLE•Political Research Quarterly•2019•Cited by: 9•References: 37

    In this article, I develop a critical view of the development and state of research ethics in political science. The central problem is that political scientists have inappropriately followed the lead of clinical biomedical research ethics in thinking about their own designs. Specifically I argue that the focus on institutional and group decision-making contexts distinctive to political research presents normative problems not well-addressed by c…

  • Two puzzles for shared-reason accounts of persuasion

    Gregory Whitfield•ARTICLE•Journal of Political Power•2021•Cited by: 1•References: 9

    Dowding has developed an account of deliberative persuasion leveraging ‘reliability conditions’ distinguishing persuasion from manipulation. The central idea is that proper reasons offered for deliberation must be shared reasons: reasons the speaker holds as grounding the proposition, and believes should motivate the receiver’s assent too. I present two puzzles for this account. The first queries the level at which reasons should be shared to cou…

  • On the concept of political manipulation

    Open Access•Gregory Whitfield•ARTICLE•European Journal of Political…•2022•Cited by: 9•References: 34

    Much liberal-democratic thought has concerned itself primarily – even exclusively – with coercive interference in citizens’ lives. But political actors do things – they engage in influential speech, they offer incentives, they mislead other actors, they disrupt the expected functioning of decision-making mechanisms etc. – that fall short of coercion, yet may nonetheless call for normative evaluation and public justification, precisely because the…

Law (6 works) · Law (6 works) · Political science (6 works) · Sociology (6 works) · Epistemology (5 works) · Political Philosophy and Ethics (5 works) · Politics (5 works) · Economic Justice (4 works) · Law and economics (3 works) · Philosophy (3 works)

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