Svitlana Chernykh
Biographic Data
| ID | 4375280 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Svitlana Chernykh |
| GIVEN NAMES | Svitlana |
| FAMILY NAME | Chernykh |
| SIGNATURE | CHERNYKH S |
| AFFILIATIONS | Australian National University |
| ORCID | 0000-0003-1554-2008 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 12 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 143 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 12 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2008 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 7 |
A special kind of hate? The rhetoric of genocide
How Constitutional Drafters Use Comparative Evidence
This article analyzes the transcripts of constitutional deliberations in two settings of third-wave democratization, Brazil and Ukraine. The focus is on the extent and kind of references to foreign countries and political institutions. Such references are relevant to the micro-foundations of theories of institutional diffusion. The evidence suggests that foreign references in constitutional debate are as frequent as are references to core concept…
Human Rights Violations and Post-election Protest
How do human rights violations affect post-election protest? Until recently, post-election protests have been explained primarily by election-related factors such as the level of manipulation and the quality of electoral institutions. We argue that there are three dimensions along which human rights violations influence post-election protest: (1) the physical cost to protesters, (2) the ability to connect the violation to an election outcome, and…
Measuring Legislative Power: An Expert Reweighting of the Fish‐Kroenig Parliamentary Powers Index
The Parliamentary Powers Index (PPI) developed by Fish and Kroenig (2009) is the most important effort to date to measure legislative power in cross‐national perspective, but it has been criticized on both theoretical and methodological grounds. We build on the 32‐item PPI to develop an alternative indicator of legislative strength that is based on an expert survey of 296 political scientists in 2014. We reweight each of the powers by expert opin…
How Do Minority Presidents Manage Multiparty Coalitions? Identifying and Analyzing the Payoffs to Coalition Parties in Presidential Systems
The preponderance of minority presidents in modern democracies has concentrated the attention of researchers on the multiparty coalitions that presidents form to govern in legislative assemblies. This analysis of “coalitional presidentialism” has focused almost exclusively on presidential systems in Latin America, and Brazil in particular. It has understood multiparty presidential coalitions as cabinet-level constructs, which bind the support of …
Third-Party Actors and the Success of Democracy: How Electoral Commissions, Courts, and Observers Shape Incentives for Electoral Manipulation and Post-Election Protests
When and how do third-party actors—most prominently electoral commissions, courts, and observers—contribute to \nthe integrity of the electoral process? We approach these questions by studying how third-party actors shape politicians’ \nincentives to comply with the outcomes of elections. Third parties are most beneficial in close elections, when the threat \nof a post-election confrontation alone fails to ensure self-enforcing compliance with el…
Coalitional presidentialism and legislative control in post-Soviet Ukraine
Two political scientists explore the significance of pro-presidential legislative coalitions in Ukrainian politics since 2000. They draw on an original survey of MPs and cabinet data to engage with the extant analysis of coalitional politics in Ukraine. Using the framework of "coalitional presidentialism," which was first developed in the study of Latin American presidential systems, they find evidence to suggest that legislative coalitions are a…
Uplifting Manhood to Wonderful Heights? News Coverage of the Human Costs of Military Conflict From World War I to Gulf War Two
Domestic political support is an important factor constraining the use of American military power around the world. Although the dynamics of war support are thought to reflect a cost-benefit calculus, with costs represented by numbers of friendly war deaths, no previous study has examined how information about friendly, enemy, and civilian casualties is routinely presented to domestic audiences. This article establishes a baseline measure of hist…
When Do Political Parties Protest Election Results
Often, one or more of the parties participating in an election refuse to comply with the announced results and frequently resort to extra-legal strategies to dispute electoral outcomes. Such protests frequently turn violent, occasionally with major repercussions for political stability and the process of democratization. But, why do some political parties use legal avenues to reject electoral outcomes whereas others go outside of the established …
Assumed Transmission in Political Science: A Call for Bringing Description Back In
News outlets cannot serve as reliable conveyors of social facts, nor do their audiences crave such content. Nonetheless, much political science scholarship assumes that objective information about social, political, and economic topics is routinely transmitted to the mass public through the news. This article addresses the problem of selection bias in news content and illustrates the problem with a content analytic study of New York Times coverag…
Are semi-presidential constitutions bad for democratic performance
Constitutions and Democratic Performance in Semi-Presidential Democracies
In 1946 there were three democracies in the world with constitutions that, on the one hand, required the government to obtain the support of a legislative majority in order to come to and remain in power and, on the other hand, established a popularly elected president. In 2002, this number had grown to 25. Constitutions with this feature are often considered to be problematic, and, given the number of new democracies that have adopted them, have…
Third-Party Actors and the Success of Democracy: How Electoral Commissions, Courts, and Observers Shape Incentives for Electoral Manipulation and Post-Election Protests
When and how do third-party actors—most prominently electoral commissions, courts, and observers—contribute to \nthe integrity of the electoral process? We approach these questions by studying how third-party actors shape politicians’ \nincentives to comply with the outcomes of elections. Third parties are most beneficial in close elections, when the threat \nof a post-election confrontation alone fails to ensure self-enforcing compliance with el…
Measuring Legislative Power: An Expert Reweighting of the Fish‐Kroenig Parliamentary Powers Index
The Parliamentary Powers Index (PPI) developed by Fish and Kroenig (2009) is the most important effort to date to measure legislative power in cross‐national perspective, but it has been criticized on both theoretical and methodological grounds. We build on the 32‐item PPI to develop an alternative indicator of legislative strength that is based on an expert survey of 296 political scientists in 2014. We reweight each of the powers by expert opin…
When Do Political Parties Protest Election Results
Often, one or more of the parties participating in an election refuse to comply with the announced results and frequently resort to extra-legal strategies to dispute electoral outcomes. Such protests frequently turn violent, occasionally with major repercussions for political stability and the process of democratization. But, why do some political parties use legal avenues to reject electoral outcomes whereas others go outside of the established …
Assumed Transmission in Political Science: A Call for Bringing Description Back In
News outlets cannot serve as reliable conveyors of social facts, nor do their audiences crave such content. Nonetheless, much political science scholarship assumes that objective information about social, political, and economic topics is routinely transmitted to the mass public through the news. This article addresses the problem of selection bias in news content and illustrates the problem with a content analytic study of New York Times coverag…
Constitutions and Democratic Performance in Semi-Presidential Democracies
In 1946 there were three democracies in the world with constitutions that, on the one hand, required the government to obtain the support of a legislative majority in order to come to and remain in power and, on the other hand, established a popularly elected president. In 2002, this number had grown to 25. Constitutions with this feature are often considered to be problematic, and, given the number of new democracies that have adopted them, have…
How Do Minority Presidents Manage Multiparty Coalitions? Identifying and Analyzing the Payoffs to Coalition Parties in Presidential Systems
The preponderance of minority presidents in modern democracies has concentrated the attention of researchers on the multiparty coalitions that presidents form to govern in legislative assemblies. This analysis of “coalitional presidentialism” has focused almost exclusively on presidential systems in Latin America, and Brazil in particular. It has understood multiparty presidential coalitions as cabinet-level constructs, which bind the support of …
Coalitional presidentialism and legislative control in post-Soviet Ukraine
Two political scientists explore the significance of pro-presidential legislative coalitions in Ukrainian politics since 2000. They draw on an original survey of MPs and cabinet data to engage with the extant analysis of coalitional politics in Ukraine. Using the framework of "coalitional presidentialism," which was first developed in the study of Latin American presidential systems, they find evidence to suggest that legislative coalitions are a…
Are semi-presidential constitutions bad for democratic performance
Human Rights Violations and Post-election Protest
How do human rights violations affect post-election protest? Until recently, post-election protests have been explained primarily by election-related factors such as the level of manipulation and the quality of electoral institutions. We argue that there are three dimensions along which human rights violations influence post-election protest: (1) the physical cost to protesters, (2) the ability to connect the violation to an election outcome, and…
Uplifting Manhood to Wonderful Heights? News Coverage of the Human Costs of Military Conflict From World War I to Gulf War Two
Domestic political support is an important factor constraining the use of American military power around the world. Although the dynamics of war support are thought to reflect a cost-benefit calculus, with costs represented by numbers of friendly war deaths, no previous study has examined how information about friendly, enemy, and civilian casualties is routinely presented to domestic audiences. This article establishes a baseline measure of hist…
A special kind of hate? The rhetoric of genocide
Are semi-presidential constitutions bad for democratic performance
Constitutions and Democratic Performance in Semi-Presidential Democracies
In 1946 there were three democracies in the world with constitutions that, on the one hand, required the government to obtain the support of a legislative majority in order to come to and remain in power and, on the other hand, established a popularly elected president. In 2002, this number had grown to 25. Constitutions with this feature are often considered to be problematic, and, given the number of new democracies that have adopted them, have…
Assumed Transmission in Political Science: A Call for Bringing Description Back In
News outlets cannot serve as reliable conveyors of social facts, nor do their audiences crave such content. Nonetheless, much political science scholarship assumes that objective information about social, political, and economic topics is routinely transmitted to the mass public through the news. This article addresses the problem of selection bias in news content and illustrates the problem with a content analytic study of New York Times coverag…
Uplifting Manhood to Wonderful Heights? News Coverage of the Human Costs of Military Conflict From World War I to Gulf War Two
Domestic political support is an important factor constraining the use of American military power around the world. Although the dynamics of war support are thought to reflect a cost-benefit calculus, with costs represented by numbers of friendly war deaths, no previous study has examined how information about friendly, enemy, and civilian casualties is routinely presented to domestic audiences. This article establishes a baseline measure of hist…
When Do Political Parties Protest Election Results
Often, one or more of the parties participating in an election refuse to comply with the announced results and frequently resort to extra-legal strategies to dispute electoral outcomes. Such protests frequently turn violent, occasionally with major repercussions for political stability and the process of democratization. But, why do some political parties use legal avenues to reject electoral outcomes whereas others go outside of the established …
Third-Party Actors and the Success of Democracy: How Electoral Commissions, Courts, and Observers Shape Incentives for Electoral Manipulation and Post-Election Protests
When and how do third-party actors—most prominently electoral commissions, courts, and observers—contribute to \nthe integrity of the electoral process? We approach these questions by studying how third-party actors shape politicians’ \nincentives to comply with the outcomes of elections. Third parties are most beneficial in close elections, when the threat \nof a post-election confrontation alone fails to ensure self-enforcing compliance with el…
Coalitional presidentialism and legislative control in post-Soviet Ukraine
Two political scientists explore the significance of pro-presidential legislative coalitions in Ukrainian politics since 2000. They draw on an original survey of MPs and cabinet data to engage with the extant analysis of coalitional politics in Ukraine. Using the framework of "coalitional presidentialism," which was first developed in the study of Latin American presidential systems, they find evidence to suggest that legislative coalitions are a…
Measuring Legislative Power: An Expert Reweighting of the Fish‐Kroenig Parliamentary Powers Index
The Parliamentary Powers Index (PPI) developed by Fish and Kroenig (2009) is the most important effort to date to measure legislative power in cross‐national perspective, but it has been criticized on both theoretical and methodological grounds. We build on the 32‐item PPI to develop an alternative indicator of legislative strength that is based on an expert survey of 296 political scientists in 2014. We reweight each of the powers by expert opin…
How Do Minority Presidents Manage Multiparty Coalitions? Identifying and Analyzing the Payoffs to Coalition Parties in Presidential Systems
The preponderance of minority presidents in modern democracies has concentrated the attention of researchers on the multiparty coalitions that presidents form to govern in legislative assemblies. This analysis of “coalitional presidentialism” has focused almost exclusively on presidential systems in Latin America, and Brazil in particular. It has understood multiparty presidential coalitions as cabinet-level constructs, which bind the support of …
Human Rights Violations and Post-election Protest
How do human rights violations affect post-election protest? Until recently, post-election protests have been explained primarily by election-related factors such as the level of manipulation and the quality of electoral institutions. We argue that there are three dimensions along which human rights violations influence post-election protest: (1) the physical cost to protesters, (2) the ability to connect the violation to an election outcome, and…
How Constitutional Drafters Use Comparative Evidence
This article analyzes the transcripts of constitutional deliberations in two settings of third-wave democratization, Brazil and Ukraine. The focus is on the extent and kind of references to foreign countries and political institutions. Such references are relevant to the micro-foundations of theories of institutional diffusion. The evidence suggests that foreign references in constitutional debate are as frequent as are references to core concept…
A special kind of hate? The rhetoric of genocide
Law (11 works) · Law (11 works) · Political science (11 works) · Politics (11 works) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (10 works) · Political economy (9 works) · Public Administration (7 works) · Public Administration (7 works) · Sociology (7 works) · Democracy (5 works)