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James Ker‐lindsay

Biographic Data

ID4377789
NAMEJames Ker‐lindsay
GIVEN NAMESJames
FAMILY NAMEKer‐lindsay
SIGNATURELINDSAY J K
AFFILIATIONSLondon School of Economics and Political Science
VERIFIEDNo
TOTAL WORKS42
TOTAL CITATIONS147
AUTHOR COUNT42
EDITOR COUNT0
FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR1999
LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR2018
H-INDEX7
  • The Stigmatisation of de facto States: Disapproval and ‘Engagement without Recognition’

    James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Ethnopolitics•2018•Cited by: 10•References: 7

    Traditionally, the international community has rejected unilateral declarations of independence. As a result, de facto states—territories that have declared independence but are not members of the United Nations (UN)—have been stigmatised. However, not all secessionist de facto states are treated equally. Whereas some are wholly shunned, others enjoy a high degree of international interaction with the UN members that do not recognise them. This s…

  • Introduction: A Conceptual Framework for Engagement with de facto States

    James Ker‐lindsay, Eiki Berg•ARTICLE•Ethnopolitics•2018•Cited by: 19•References: 8

    Secessionist de facto states, by their very nature, sit outside of the international system. Having unilaterally declared independence from their parent state, they are invariably prevented from joining the United Nations, and thus taking their place as members of the community of universally recognised countries. While the reasons for such punitive approaches have a logic according to prevailing political and legal approaches to secession, it is…

  • The national politics of EU enlargement in the Western Balkans

    James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay et al.•ARTICLE•Journal of Southeast European and…•2017

    European enlargement has often been viewed from an institutional perspective. The academic literature in the field has tended to focus primarily on how the Commission or the Council has addressed the issue of EU expansion. Relatively little attention has been paid to the role of individual member states. This article considers the way in which domestic political concerns and national politics affects the way in which EU members approach enlargeme…

  • The United Kingdom and EU enlargement in the Western Balkans: From ardent champion of expansion to Post-Brexit irrelevance

    James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Journal of Southeast European and…•2017

    This article examines the United Kingdom’s approach to the question of European Union enlargement in the Western Balkans. It shows that while Britain had no traditional attachment to the region, it championed expansion as part of its long-standing aim to widen EU membership to prevent deeper political union. However, as immigration from the EU increased after the 2004 enlargement and a Eurosceptic Conservative-led government took charge in 2010, …

  • The UAE as an Emerging Actor in the Western Balkans: The Case of Strategic Investment in Serbia

    Will Bartlett, James Ker-Lindsay et al.•ARTICLE•Journal of Arabian Studies•2017

    In recent years, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) has increased its engagement on the international stage. One area where it has been increasingly active is the Western Balkans. While its aid programmes were initially directed towards Albania, it has also started to invest in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro and Serbia. This paper focuses mainly on the last of these: UAE commercial investment in Serbia. As is shown, this activity has been…

  • Turkey’s EU accession as a factor in the 2016 Brexit referendum

    Open Access•James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Turkish Studies•2017•Cited by: 7•References: 3

    In June 2016, the UK voted to leave the European Union (EU). Although many issues shaped the Brexit campaign, the question of Turkey’s quest for EU membership emerged as an unexpectedly strong factor. This article examines how this happened and how the debate evolved. It shows that those who advocated leaving the EU not only distorted the prospect of Turkish membership, they also misrepresented British support for the country’s accession. While t…

  • Great Powers, Counter Secession, and Non-Recognition: Britain and the 1983 Unilateral Declaration of Independence of the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus”

    James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Diplomacy and Statecraft•2017•Cited by: 4•References: 2

    The role of Great Powers in processes of secession and recognition has attracted increasing attention from scholars in recent years. This analysis examines how Britain rallied international opposition to the November 1983 unilateral declaration of independence [UDI] of the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus” [TRNC]. The British Government tried hard to prevent the UDI. Once it occurred, Britain led efforts to condemn the move. It resulted in Un…

  • Climate Change and State Death

    James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Survival•2016

    As climate change raises sea levels, it is unclear how the international community will handle the physical disappearance of several island states

  • Pre‐Accession Europeanization: The Case of Serbia and Kosovo

    Open Access•Spyros Economide, Spyros Economides et al.•ARTICLE•JCMS Journal of Common Market…•2015•Cited by: 23•References: 34

    This article argues that there is much confusion surrounding Serbia's landmark decision to engage in a process of normalization with Kosovo. Rather than undergoing a process of Europeanization, whereby a fundamental transformation in the underlying rationale and processes of decision‐making occurred, as some have argued, the changes in Serbia's policy are in fact based on material concerns. By tracing relations in the EU‐Serbia‐Kosovo triangle, t…

  • Engagement without recognition: The Limits of Diplomatic Interaction With Contested States

    Open Access•James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•International Affairs•2015•Cited by: 13

    This article examines the extent to which states are able to interact at an official level with a contested or de facto state – a state that has unilaterally declared independence but is not a member of the United Nations – without being understood to have recognised it. This is an area of increasing interest and relevance to policy makers. As is shown, albeit with some significant provisos, legal theory and historic practice suggest that diploma…

  • Civil Society and Transitions in the Western Balkans

    Open Access•James Ker‐lindsay, Vesna Bojicic-Dzelilovic et al.•BOOK•Civil Society and Transitions in…•2013

    This book explores the ambiguous role played by civil society in the processes of state-building, democratization and post-conflict reconstruction in the Western Balkans challenging the assumption tha

  • Understanding state responses to secession

    James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Peacebuilding•2013•Cited by: 2

    The response of states to acts of secession on their territory has been subject to relatively little attention in the academic literature. Drawing on the examples of Cyprus and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), Serbia and Kosovo, and Georgia and South Ossetia and Abkhazia, this article posits that there are in fact six reasons why states oppose acts of secession. These are: emotional attachment to the territory; internally displaced…

  • Preventing the Emergence of Self-Determination as a Norm of Secession: An Assessment of the Kosovo ‘Unique Case’ Argument

    James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Europe Asia Studies•2013•Cited by: 4•References: 10

    When Kosovo declared independence, in February 2008, it was stated that the move was not an act of self-determination. Instead, the key states that supported the decision insisted that the case for statehood arose from a unique set of circumstances. Kosovo was not a precedent; it was a sui generis case in international politics. This essay considers the arguments underpinning this claim to exclusivity and argues that, taken either individually or…

  • The Foreign Policy of Counter Secession: Preventing the Recognition of Contested States

    James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•BOOK•The Foreign Policy of Counter…•2012

    How do states prevent the recognition of territories that have unilaterally declared independence? At a time when the issue of secession is becoming increasingly significant on the world stage, this book considers this crucial question.

  • Standards before Status before Accession: Kosovo's EU Perspective

    James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay et al.•ARTICLE•Journal of Balkan and Near…•2012

    Although Kosovo has been recognized by most members of the European Union, there are still five states that refuse to accept its unilateral declaration of independence. Kosovo's ‘European perspective’ would therefore appear to be hampered by its contested status. However, this paper argues that while the dispute over its independence is significant, and certainly makes establishing relations with the EU more difficult than might otherwise have be…

  • The UN and the Post-intervention Stabilization of Kosovo

    James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Ethnopolitics•2012•Cited by: 2•References: 4

    It has been argued that the decision of key Western states to support Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence from Serbia, in 2008, was driven by the fear that had this not happened there would have been a danger of renewed violence and instability. This begs the question as to whether this situation could have been averted had the United Nations taken a more active role in pacifying Kosovo following the intervention in 1999. This article…

  • Introducing the Cyprus Problem

    Open Access•James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Peace Review•2012

  • Between “Pragmatism” and “Constitutionalism”: EU-Russian Dynamics and Differences During the Kosovo Status Process

    Open Access•James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Journal of Contemporary European…•2011•References: 6

    Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence in 2008 has been widely regarded as a failure for international diplomacy in general, and for the European Union (EU) in particular. The narrative that has emerged suggests that, rather than taking charge of the situation, the EU was instead a “victim” of external machinations led by Washington and Moscow. This article challenges this view. It argues that, during the status process, it became clear …

  • Principles and the Partition of Kosovo

    Open Access•James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Peace Review•2011•Cited by: 5

  • Not such a ‘sui generis’ case after all: Assessing the ICJ opinion on Kosovo

    Open Access•James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Nationalities Papers•2011•References: 8

    For 60 years, the international community has limited the right of territories to gain independence without the permission of the “parent state.” Such limits were, however, challenged when Kosovo unilaterally declared independence from Serbia, in February 2008. As a result, Belgrade referred the matter to the International Court of Justice (ICJ). On 22 July 2010, it came back with its long-awaited decision. Taking a narrow view of the question, t…

  • The Importance of Process in Peacemaking

    Open Access•James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Peace Review•2010•Cited by: 1•References: 2

    Does process matter when it comes to mediating a solution to international conflict? The standard theory of peacemaking would offer a resounding yes to this question. It is a basic tenet of conflic

  • Kosovo: Four Futures

    Spyros Economide, Spyros Economides et al.•ARTICLE•Survival•2010•Cited by: 4

    The recent opinion by the International Court of Justice on the legality of Kosovo's declaration of independence has not provided a definitive answer to Kosovo's status. The International community remains divided. For this reason, a political solution will need to be found. Possible scenarios for the future of Kosovo include continuation of the status quo; enforcing Pristina's full authority across all of Kosovo; partition or partial territorial…

  • From autonomy to independence: The evolution of international thinking on Kosovo, 1998–2005

    James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Journal of Balkan and Near…•2009

    When Kosovo declared independence, in February 2008, it was quickly recognized by the USA and by most of the European Union (EU).1 However, just 10 years earlier, these states had taken a very diff

  • The Emergence of ‘Meditration’ in International Peacemaking: A Response to Weller, Noel, Yakinthou and Belloni

    James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Ethnopolitics•2009

  • The Emergence of ‘Meditration’ in International Peacemaking

    James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Ethnopolitics•2009•Cited by: 1•References: 3

    This article examines the concept of ‘meditration’ as a hybrid form of peacemaking that combines elements of mediation and arbitration. Traditionally, mediation by third parties has been based on impartial, non-coercive facilitation. This has often resulted in prolonged processes. In the past decade, however, the United Nations has launched two initiatives—in Cyprus and Kosovo—in which a more robust approach was adopted. Either overtly or tacitly…

Next
  • Pre‐Accession Europeanization: The Case of Serbia and Kosovo

    Open Access•Spyros Economide, Spyros Economides et al.•ARTICLE•JCMS Journal of Common Market…•2015•Cited by: 23•References: 34

    This article argues that there is much confusion surrounding Serbia's landmark decision to engage in a process of normalization with Kosovo. Rather than undergoing a process of Europeanization, whereby a fundamental transformation in the underlying rationale and processes of decision‐making occurred, as some have argued, the changes in Serbia's policy are in fact based on material concerns. By tracing relations in the EU‐Serbia‐Kosovo triangle, t…

  • Introduction: A Conceptual Framework for Engagement with de facto States

    James Ker‐lindsay, Eiki Berg•ARTICLE•Ethnopolitics•2018•Cited by: 19•References: 8

    Secessionist de facto states, by their very nature, sit outside of the international system. Having unilaterally declared independence from their parent state, they are invariably prevented from joining the United Nations, and thus taking their place as members of the community of universally recognised countries. While the reasons for such punitive approaches have a logic according to prevailing political and legal approaches to secession, it is…

  • Greek‐Turkish rapprochement: The impact of disaster diplomacy

    James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Cambridge Review of International…•2000•Cited by: 15

    This article challenges the widely held view that the Greek‐Turkish rapprochement of 1999 was the direct result of the collaboration following the earthquakes that hit both countries that year. The high‐level political and diplomatic efforts which form the basis of the improved relations and which preceded the earthquakes are examined. The article goes on to provide a detailed account of the efforts at governmental and nongovernmental levels to m…

  • Engagement without recognition: The Limits of Diplomatic Interaction With Contested States

    Open Access•James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•International Affairs•2015•Cited by: 13

    This article examines the extent to which states are able to interact at an official level with a contested or de facto state – a state that has unilaterally declared independence but is not a member of the United Nations – without being understood to have recognised it. This is an area of increasing interest and relevance to policy makers. As is shown, albeit with some significant provisos, legal theory and historic practice suggest that diploma…

  • The Stigmatisation of de facto States: Disapproval and ‘Engagement without Recognition’

    James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Ethnopolitics•2018•Cited by: 10•References: 7

    Traditionally, the international community has rejected unilateral declarations of independence. As a result, de facto states—territories that have declared independence but are not members of the United Nations (UN)—have been stigmatised. However, not all secessionist de facto states are treated equally. Whereas some are wholly shunned, others enjoy a high degree of international interaction with the UN members that do not recognise them. This s…

  • Turkey’s EU accession as a factor in the 2016 Brexit referendum

    Open Access•James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Turkish Studies•2017•Cited by: 7•References: 3

    In June 2016, the UK voted to leave the European Union (EU). Although many issues shaped the Brexit campaign, the question of Turkey’s quest for EU membership emerged as an unexpectedly strong factor. This article examines how this happened and how the debate evolved. It shows that those who advocated leaving the EU not only distorted the prospect of Turkish membership, they also misrepresented British support for the country’s accession. While t…

  • Political data in 2005

    Open Access•Ingrid Van Biezen, Richard S Katz et al.•ARTICLE•European Journal of Political…•2006•Cited by: 7•References: 4

  • Presidential Power and Authority in the Republic of Cyprus

    James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Mediterranean Politics•2006•Cited by: 6•References: 1

    This article examines the institution of the presidency in the Republic of Cyprus. Under the 1960 constitution, the president is both the head of state and the head of government and in this dual capacity wields considerable power. The position is also strengthened by the fact that the post of vice-president, the main check on presidential power, is currently in abeyance. At the same time, the president is also regarded by Greek Cypriots as the n…

  • Cyprus

    Open Access•James Ker‐lindsay, Keith Webb•ARTICLE•European Journal of Political…•2004•Cited by: 6

  • Principles and the Partition of Kosovo

    Open Access•James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Peace Review•2011•Cited by: 5

  • Cyprus

    Open Access•James Ker‐lindsay, Keith Webb•ARTICLE•European Journal of Political…•2005•Cited by: 5•References: 1

  • Great Powers, Counter Secession, and Non-Recognition: Britain and the 1983 Unilateral Declaration of Independence of the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus”

    James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Diplomacy and Statecraft•2017•Cited by: 4•References: 2

    The role of Great Powers in processes of secession and recognition has attracted increasing attention from scholars in recent years. This analysis examines how Britain rallied international opposition to the November 1983 unilateral declaration of independence [UDI] of the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus” [TRNC]. The British Government tried hard to prevent the UDI. Once it occurred, Britain led efforts to condemn the move. It resulted in Un…

  • Preventing the Emergence of Self-Determination as a Norm of Secession: An Assessment of the Kosovo ‘Unique Case’ Argument

    James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Europe Asia Studies•2013•Cited by: 4•References: 10

    When Kosovo declared independence, in February 2008, it was stated that the move was not an act of self-determination. Instead, the key states that supported the decision insisted that the case for statehood arose from a unique set of circumstances. Kosovo was not a precedent; it was a sui generis case in international politics. This essay considers the arguments underpinning this claim to exclusivity and argues that, taken either individually or…

  • Kosovo: Four Futures

    Spyros Economide, Spyros Economides et al.•ARTICLE•Survival•2010•Cited by: 4

    The recent opinion by the International Court of Justice on the legality of Kosovo's declaration of independence has not provided a definitive answer to Kosovo's status. The International community remains divided. For this reason, a political solution will need to be found. Possible scenarios for the future of Kosovo include continuation of the status quo; enforcing Pristina's full authority across all of Kosovo; partition or partial territorial…

  • Cyprus

    Open Access•James Ker‐lindsay, Keith Webb•ARTICLE•European Journal of Political…•2006•Cited by: 4•References: 2

  • Europe's Eastern Outpost: The Republic of Cyprus and the Middle East

    James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•The Round Table•2008•Cited by: 3

    This article explores the relationship between the Republic of Cyprus and the Middle East. Although it is now a member of the European Union, geographically Cyprus was long viewed as a peripheral part of the Middle East. This has naturally created a certain ambiguity in terms of the relationship the island has with its regional neighbours. However, politics rather than geography has been the main force driving modern and contemporary relations. T…

  • The Policies of Greece and Cyprus towards Turkey’s EU Accession

    Open Access•James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Turkish Studies•2007•Cited by: 3

    This essay analyzes the views of the governments of Greece and Cyprus towards the question of Turkish membership in the European Union. Specifically, it shows that fundamental differences have emerged in the way in which the two perceive the benefits of Turkish engagement with the EU. For Greece, Turkish accession is seen as a transformative process. For the Greek Cypriots, the process of Turkish accession is viewed as a form of leverage. Moreove…

  • A Second Referendum: The May 2006 Parliamentary Elections in Cyprus

    James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Mediterranean Politics•2006•Cited by: 3

    On 21 May 2006, Greek Cypriots went to the polls to elect a new parliament. Held every five years, the elections for the 56-seat House of Representatives have relatively little importance in terms

  • Understanding state responses to secession

    James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Peacebuilding•2013•Cited by: 2

    The response of states to acts of secession on their territory has been subject to relatively little attention in the academic literature. Drawing on the examples of Cyprus and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), Serbia and Kosovo, and Georgia and South Ossetia and Abkhazia, this article posits that there are in fact six reasons why states oppose acts of secession. These are: emotional attachment to the territory; internally displaced…

  • The UN and the Post-intervention Stabilization of Kosovo

    James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Ethnopolitics•2012•Cited by: 2•References: 4

    It has been argued that the decision of key Western states to support Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence from Serbia, in 2008, was driven by the fear that had this not happened there would have been a danger of renewed violence and instability. This begs the question as to whether this situation could have been averted had the United Nations taken a more active role in pacifying Kosovo following the intervention in 1999. This article…

  • The Importance of Process in Peacemaking

    Open Access•James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Peace Review•2010•Cited by: 1•References: 2

    Does process matter when it comes to mediating a solution to international conflict? The standard theory of peacemaking would offer a resounding yes to this question. It is a basic tenet of conflic

  • The Emergence of ‘Meditration’ in International Peacemaking

    James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Ethnopolitics•2009•Cited by: 1•References: 3

    This article examines the concept of ‘meditration’ as a hybrid form of peacemaking that combines elements of mediation and arbitration. Traditionally, mediation by third parties has been based on impartial, non-coercive facilitation. This has often resulted in prolonged processes. In the past decade, however, the United Nations has launched two initiatives—in Cyprus and Kosovo—in which a more robust approach was adopted. Either overtly or tacitly…

  • Britain’s central role in the search for an international peacekeeping force for Cyprus, 1963-64

    Open Access•James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies•1999•References: 1

    This work examines the way in which the British, Greek and Turkish Governments established a peacekeeping force, the Joint Truce Force, in Cyprus in December 1963 and how the United Kingdom, aided by the United States, subsequently handled the creation of a replacement international peacekeeping force. Although the United Kingdom did everything in its power to keep peacekeeping efforts under its own control for as long as possible, when this was …

  • Greek‐Turkish rapprochement: The impact of disaster diplomacy

    James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Cambridge Review of International…•2000•Cited by: 15

    This article challenges the widely held view that the Greek‐Turkish rapprochement of 1999 was the direct result of the collaboration following the earthquakes that hit both countries that year. The high‐level political and diplomatic efforts which form the basis of the improved relations and which preceded the earthquakes are examined. The article goes on to provide a detailed account of the efforts at governmental and nongovernmental levels to m…

  • The Work of the UN in Cyprus: Promoting Peace and Development

    Open Access•Oliver Richmond, James Ker‐lindsay et al.•BOOK•Work of the un in Cyprus•2001

    The United Nations has rarely been given a fair hearing with regard to its work in Cyprus. Despite competing demands for its limited resources being challenged by the local parties and at the mercy of contradictory political directions at the international level, the UN has actually achieved more than is generally realized. This is the first volume to critically appraise all the major areas of the UN's peacekeeping, peacemaking, and peace buildin…

  • Cyprus

    Open Access•James Ker‐lindsay, Keith Webb•ARTICLE•European Journal of Political…•2004•Cited by: 6

  • EU Accession and UN Peacemaking in Cyprus

    Open Access•James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•BOOK•EU Accession and un Peacemaking…•2005

    This work traces the attempts by the United Nations to bring about the reunification of Cyprus prior to the island's accession to the European Union on 1 May 2004. In addition to charting the course o

  • Cyprus

    Open Access•James Ker‐lindsay, Keith Webb•ARTICLE•European Journal of Political…•2005•Cited by: 5•References: 1

  • A Second Referendum: The May 2006 Parliamentary Elections in Cyprus

    James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Mediterranean Politics•2006•Cited by: 3

    On 21 May 2006, Greek Cypriots went to the polls to elect a new parliament. Held every five years, the elections for the 56-seat House of Representatives have relatively little importance in terms

  • Presidential Power and Authority in the Republic of Cyprus

    James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Mediterranean Politics•2006•Cited by: 6•References: 1

    This article examines the institution of the presidency in the Republic of Cyprus. Under the 1960 constitution, the president is both the head of state and the head of government and in this dual capacity wields considerable power. The position is also strengthened by the fact that the post of vice-president, the main check on presidential power, is currently in abeyance. At the same time, the president is also regarded by Greek Cypriots as the n…

  • The UN force in Cyprus after the 2004 reunification referendum

    James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•International Peacekeeping•2006

    This article examines the UN Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) following the failed attempt to reunite the island in April 2004. It reviews the post-referendum reduction in the size of the Force and analyses the prospects for further major changes to the mission in the future. Specifically, it argues that while any further significant alterations would appear unlikely in the near term, given the current positions of the main parties in the Security Counc…

  • Cyprus

    Open Access•James Ker‐lindsay, Keith Webb•ARTICLE•European Journal of Political…•2006•Cited by: 4•References: 2

  • Political data in 2005

    Open Access•Ingrid Van Biezen, Richard S Katz et al.•ARTICLE•European Journal of Political…•2006•Cited by: 7•References: 4

  • A Difficult Transition to a New Relationship: Britain and Cyprus in the European Union

    James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Journal of Contemporary European…•2007•References: 3

    This article examines the relationship between Britain and Cyprus after the latter joined the European Union (EU) on 1 May 2004.It argues that the difficulties that emerged were in part a product of the ill feeling that developed at the time of the April 2004 referendum on a UN peace plan. However, it was also shaped by British attempts to end the isolation of the Turkish Cypriots and ease Turkey's EU accession process. These tensions were partic…

  • The Policies of Greece and Cyprus towards Turkey’s EU Accession

    Open Access•James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Turkish Studies•2007•Cited by: 3

    This essay analyzes the views of the governments of Greece and Cyprus towards the question of Turkish membership in the European Union. Specifically, it shows that fundamental differences have emerged in the way in which the two perceive the benefits of Turkish engagement with the EU. For Greece, Turkish accession is seen as a transformative process. For the Greek Cypriots, the process of Turkish accession is viewed as a form of leverage. Moreove…

  • Europe's Eastern Outpost: The Republic of Cyprus and the Middle East

    James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•The Round Table•2008•Cited by: 3

    This article explores the relationship between the Republic of Cyprus and the Middle East. Although it is now a member of the European Union, geographically Cyprus was long viewed as a peripheral part of the Middle East. This has naturally created a certain ambiguity in terms of the relationship the island has with its regional neighbours. However, politics rather than geography has been the main force driving modern and contemporary relations. T…

  • The European Union and Border Conflicts: The Power of Integration and Association – Edited by T. Diez, M. Albert and S. Stetter

    Open Access•James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•JCMS Journal of Common Market…•2008

    The European Union and Border Conflicts: The Power of Integration and Association , edited by T. Diez, M. Albert and S. Stetter ( Cambridge : Cambridge University Press , 2008 , ISBN 9780521709491 ); xiv + 265pp , £17.99 pb . It is an article of faith amongst supporters of European integration that the European Union has a central role to play in the management of conflict. Indeed, as this work points out, ‘there has always been a close link betw…

  • From autonomy to independence: The evolution of international thinking on Kosovo, 1998–2005

    James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Journal of Balkan and Near…•2009

    When Kosovo declared independence, in February 2008, it was quickly recognized by the USA and by most of the European Union (EU).1 However, just 10 years earlier, these states had taken a very diff

  • The Emergence of ‘Meditration’ in International Peacemaking: A Response to Weller, Noel, Yakinthou and Belloni

    James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Ethnopolitics•2009

  • The Emergence of ‘Meditration’ in International Peacemaking

    James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Ethnopolitics•2009•Cited by: 1•References: 3

    This article examines the concept of ‘meditration’ as a hybrid form of peacemaking that combines elements of mediation and arbitration. Traditionally, mediation by third parties has been based on impartial, non-coercive facilitation. This has often resulted in prolonged processes. In the past decade, however, the United Nations has launched two initiatives—in Cyprus and Kosovo—in which a more robust approach was adopted. Either overtly or tacitly…

  • The Threat and Management of Terrorism in Cyprus

    James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Studies in Conflict and Terrorism•2009

    This article examines how the Republic of Cyprus has confronted the threat of international terrorism. Although the threat of terrorism in Cyprus remains relatively low, the Cypriot authorities have nevertheless sought to minimize the risk and maximize the level of preparedness. This has involved taking an uncompromising attitude toward those suspected of involvement with terrorist groups. At the same time, there has been a marked increase in the…

  • A Response to the Interview with Ambassador Albert Rohan, Deputy Special Envoy of the United Nations Secretary-General for the Future Status Talks for Kosovo

    James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Southeastern Europe•2009

  • The Importance of Process in Peacemaking

    Open Access•James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Peace Review•2010•Cited by: 1•References: 2

    Does process matter when it comes to mediating a solution to international conflict? The standard theory of peacemaking would offer a resounding yes to this question. It is a basic tenet of conflic

  • Kosovo: Four Futures

    Spyros Economide, Spyros Economides et al.•ARTICLE•Survival•2010•Cited by: 4

    The recent opinion by the International Court of Justice on the legality of Kosovo's declaration of independence has not provided a definitive answer to Kosovo's status. The International community remains divided. For this reason, a political solution will need to be found. Possible scenarios for the future of Kosovo include continuation of the status quo; enforcing Pristina's full authority across all of Kosovo; partition or partial territorial…

  • Between “Pragmatism” and “Constitutionalism”: EU-Russian Dynamics and Differences During the Kosovo Status Process

    Open Access•James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Journal of Contemporary European…•2011•References: 6

    Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence in 2008 has been widely regarded as a failure for international diplomacy in general, and for the European Union (EU) in particular. The narrative that has emerged suggests that, rather than taking charge of the situation, the EU was instead a “victim” of external machinations led by Washington and Moscow. This article challenges this view. It argues that, during the status process, it became clear …

  • Principles and the Partition of Kosovo

    Open Access•James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Peace Review•2011•Cited by: 5

  • Not such a ‘sui generis’ case after all: Assessing the ICJ opinion on Kosovo

    Open Access•James Ker-Lindsay, James Ker‐lindsay•ARTICLE•Nationalities Papers•2011•References: 8

    For 60 years, the international community has limited the right of territories to gain independence without the permission of the “parent state.” Such limits were, however, challenged when Kosovo unilaterally declared independence from Serbia, in February 2008. As a result, Belgrade referred the matter to the International Court of Justice (ICJ). On 22 July 2010, it came back with its long-awaited decision. Taking a narrow view of the question, t…

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