Joseph Gershtenson
Biographic Data
| ID | 4384372 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Joseph Gershtenson |
| GIVEN NAMES | Joseph |
| FAMILY NAME | Gershtenson |
| SIGNATURE | GERSHTENSON J |
| AFFILIATIONS | Eastern Kentucky University |
| VERIFIED | No |
| TOTAL WORKS | 13 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 63 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 13 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2002 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2022 |
| H-INDEX | 4 |
The fascist authoritarian model of illiberal democracy
Based on our observations and scholarship about how democratic norms are currently being undermined, we propose a model of fascist authoritarianism that includes authoritarianism, the production and exaggeration of threats, conspiracy-oriented propaganda adoption, and distrust of reality-based professions. We refer to this as the Fascist Authoritarian Model of Illiberal Democracy (FAMID) and argue that all components are essential for understandi…
In Government We Distrust: Citizen Skepticism and Democracy in the United States
Virtually all accounts of political trust in the US regard declining trust over the past half-century to be troubling. We argue that these interpretations are in need of reassessment since they often are rooted in the normatively questionable assumption that higher trust is always desirable. We review traditions in democratic theory and American thought extolling the virtues of skepticism and distrust of government and discuss potential problems …
Candidates and Competition: Variability in Ideological Voting in U.S. Senate Elections
Objectives. In choosing candidates to support in congressional elections, voters consider both policy and nonpolicy factors. However, the relative importance of incumbency or presidential approval versus candidates' ideological platforms likely varies across elections. Specifically, stiffer electoral competition should encourage ideology‐based voting because candidate information is more plentiful. In contrast, incumbents' ability to garner votes…
Ideology and Representation in the US Senate: Roll Calls v. Constituent Assessments
Most research on representation in the US Congress examines the relationship between the voting behaviour of legislators and citizens' preferences. Using a roll call-based measure (DW-NOMINATE scores) of US Senators' ideologies and citizen assessments of Senators' ideologies (from the American National Election Study: Pooled Senate Election Study 1988, 1990, 1992), we demonstrate that judgements about Senators' responsiveness (the extent to which…
Election Cycles and Partisanship in the U.S. House of Representatives, 1857‐2000
Democratic theory generally regards political parties as central to democracy and therefore views a more responsible U.S. party system as desirable. While a number of factors inhibit party responsibility in the United States, the decline of parties from the late 1880s into the 1970s and the subsequent rebound illustrates that parties nevertheless wax and wane over time. Within long‐term trends, however, shorter‐term patterns may also be evident. …
Friends of the Earth? Partisanship, Party Control of Congress, and Environmental Legislation in Congress
Broad, bipartisan support for environmental protection in the 1960s eroded in subsequent decades as environmental issues became more polarized, particularly along party lines with Democrats lending greater support to environmental causes than Republicans. Yet, party differences and the general influence of partisanship on member behavior may vary over time as changes occur in Congress. Specifically, this article posits that the Republican takeove…
Parties, Institutional Control, and Trust in Government
Objectives. Partisanship should affect evaluations of Congress just as it affects evaluations of the president, and these institutional evaluations should affect political trust. We argue that the relationship between partisanship and trust is dependent on partisan control of Congress and that much of party identification's influence on trust occurs indirectly through approval of governmental institutions. Methods. Using data collected before and…
Candidates' Ideological Locations, Abstention, and Turnout in U.S. Midterm Senate Elections
Ideological Centrism and the Electoral Fortunes of U.S. Senate Candidates
Objective. The Downsian model of electoral competition with its individual‐level assumption of proximity voting by individuals implies that candidates in two‐party systems should perform better in elections when they adopt platforms more closely mirroring preferences of average constituents. Since extant analyses do not place candidates and constituents on a common ideological metric, they do not directly test the electoral consequences of proxim…
Mobilization Strategies of the Democrats and Republicans, 1956-2000
Mobilization Strategies of the Democrats and Republicans, 1956-2000
Although democracies offer citizens the opportunity to participate in their own governance, not all individuals do so. As intermediaries between elected officials and the public, one of the primary functions of political parties is to mobilize support for their candidates. Using NES data, I examine the strategic nature of party contacting over the 1956-2000 period. I find that both parties target individuals whose personal characteristics make th…
Partisanship and Participation in Political Campaign Activities, 1952-1996
Partisanship and Participation in Political Campaign Activities, 1952-1996
In 1972, Verba and Nie identified a “puzzle” of Republican “hyperactivity” in political participation over the 1952-1968 period. Verba and Nie argue that higher levels of Republican participation (after controlling for socioeconomic variables) result from the differential motivating influence of policy preferences for identifiers of the two parties. Using National Election Studies (NES) surveys from 1952 to 1996, I examine the possibility that Ve…
Mobilization Strategies of the Democrats and Republicans, 1956-2000
Although democracies offer citizens the opportunity to participate in their own governance, not all individuals do so. As intermediaries between elected officials and the public, one of the primary functions of political parties is to mobilize support for their candidates. Using NES data, I examine the strategic nature of party contacting over the 1956-2000 period. I find that both parties target individuals whose personal characteristics make th…
Parties, Institutional Control, and Trust in Government
Objectives. Partisanship should affect evaluations of Congress just as it affects evaluations of the president, and these institutional evaluations should affect political trust. We argue that the relationship between partisanship and trust is dependent on partisan control of Congress and that much of party identification's influence on trust occurs indirectly through approval of governmental institutions. Methods. Using data collected before and…
Partisanship and Participation in Political Campaign Activities, 1952-1996
In 1972, Verba and Nie identified a “puzzle” of Republican “hyperactivity” in political participation over the 1952-1968 period. Verba and Nie argue that higher levels of Republican participation (after controlling for socioeconomic variables) result from the differential motivating influence of policy preferences for identifiers of the two parties. Using National Election Studies (NES) surveys from 1952 to 1996, I examine the possibility that Ve…
Ideology and Representation in the US Senate: Roll Calls v. Constituent Assessments
Most research on representation in the US Congress examines the relationship between the voting behaviour of legislators and citizens' preferences. Using a roll call-based measure (DW-NOMINATE scores) of US Senators' ideologies and citizen assessments of Senators' ideologies (from the American National Election Study: Pooled Senate Election Study 1988, 1990, 1992), we demonstrate that judgements about Senators' responsiveness (the extent to which…
Friends of the Earth? Partisanship, Party Control of Congress, and Environmental Legislation in Congress
Broad, bipartisan support for environmental protection in the 1960s eroded in subsequent decades as environmental issues became more polarized, particularly along party lines with Democrats lending greater support to environmental causes than Republicans. Yet, party differences and the general influence of partisanship on member behavior may vary over time as changes occur in Congress. Specifically, this article posits that the Republican takeove…
Ideological Centrism and the Electoral Fortunes of U.S. Senate Candidates
Objective. The Downsian model of electoral competition with its individual‐level assumption of proximity voting by individuals implies that candidates in two‐party systems should perform better in elections when they adopt platforms more closely mirroring preferences of average constituents. Since extant analyses do not place candidates and constituents on a common ideological metric, they do not directly test the electoral consequences of proxim…
Candidates and Competition: Variability in Ideological Voting in U.S. Senate Elections
Objectives. In choosing candidates to support in congressional elections, voters consider both policy and nonpolicy factors. However, the relative importance of incumbency or presidential approval versus candidates' ideological platforms likely varies across elections. Specifically, stiffer electoral competition should encourage ideology‐based voting because candidate information is more plentiful. In contrast, incumbents' ability to garner votes…
The fascist authoritarian model of illiberal democracy
Based on our observations and scholarship about how democratic norms are currently being undermined, we propose a model of fascist authoritarianism that includes authoritarianism, the production and exaggeration of threats, conspiracy-oriented propaganda adoption, and distrust of reality-based professions. We refer to this as the Fascist Authoritarian Model of Illiberal Democracy (FAMID) and argue that all components are essential for understandi…
In Government We Distrust: Citizen Skepticism and Democracy in the United States
Virtually all accounts of political trust in the US regard declining trust over the past half-century to be troubling. We argue that these interpretations are in need of reassessment since they often are rooted in the normatively questionable assumption that higher trust is always desirable. We review traditions in democratic theory and American thought extolling the virtues of skepticism and distrust of government and discuss potential problems …
Election Cycles and Partisanship in the U.S. House of Representatives, 1857‐2000
Democratic theory generally regards political parties as central to democracy and therefore views a more responsible U.S. party system as desirable. While a number of factors inhibit party responsibility in the United States, the decline of parties from the late 1880s into the 1970s and the subsequent rebound illustrates that parties nevertheless wax and wane over time. Within long‐term trends, however, shorter‐term patterns may also be evident. …
Partisanship and Participation in Political Campaign Activities, 1952-1996
Partisanship and Participation in Political Campaign Activities, 1952-1996
In 1972, Verba and Nie identified a “puzzle” of Republican “hyperactivity” in political participation over the 1952-1968 period. Verba and Nie argue that higher levels of Republican participation (after controlling for socioeconomic variables) result from the differential motivating influence of policy preferences for identifiers of the two parties. Using National Election Studies (NES) surveys from 1952 to 1996, I examine the possibility that Ve…
Mobilization Strategies of the Democrats and Republicans, 1956-2000
Mobilization Strategies of the Democrats and Republicans, 1956-2000
Although democracies offer citizens the opportunity to participate in their own governance, not all individuals do so. As intermediaries between elected officials and the public, one of the primary functions of political parties is to mobilize support for their candidates. Using NES data, I examine the strategic nature of party contacting over the 1956-2000 period. I find that both parties target individuals whose personal characteristics make th…
Candidates' Ideological Locations, Abstention, and Turnout in U.S. Midterm Senate Elections
Ideological Centrism and the Electoral Fortunes of U.S. Senate Candidates
Objective. The Downsian model of electoral competition with its individual‐level assumption of proximity voting by individuals implies that candidates in two‐party systems should perform better in elections when they adopt platforms more closely mirroring preferences of average constituents. Since extant analyses do not place candidates and constituents on a common ideological metric, they do not directly test the electoral consequences of proxim…
Election Cycles and Partisanship in the U.S. House of Representatives, 1857‐2000
Democratic theory generally regards political parties as central to democracy and therefore views a more responsible U.S. party system as desirable. While a number of factors inhibit party responsibility in the United States, the decline of parties from the late 1880s into the 1970s and the subsequent rebound illustrates that parties nevertheless wax and wane over time. Within long‐term trends, however, shorter‐term patterns may also be evident. …
Friends of the Earth? Partisanship, Party Control of Congress, and Environmental Legislation in Congress
Broad, bipartisan support for environmental protection in the 1960s eroded in subsequent decades as environmental issues became more polarized, particularly along party lines with Democrats lending greater support to environmental causes than Republicans. Yet, party differences and the general influence of partisanship on member behavior may vary over time as changes occur in Congress. Specifically, this article posits that the Republican takeove…
Parties, Institutional Control, and Trust in Government
Objectives. Partisanship should affect evaluations of Congress just as it affects evaluations of the president, and these institutional evaluations should affect political trust. We argue that the relationship between partisanship and trust is dependent on partisan control of Congress and that much of party identification's influence on trust occurs indirectly through approval of governmental institutions. Methods. Using data collected before and…
Ideology and Representation in the US Senate: Roll Calls v. Constituent Assessments
Most research on representation in the US Congress examines the relationship between the voting behaviour of legislators and citizens' preferences. Using a roll call-based measure (DW-NOMINATE scores) of US Senators' ideologies and citizen assessments of Senators' ideologies (from the American National Election Study: Pooled Senate Election Study 1988, 1990, 1992), we demonstrate that judgements about Senators' responsiveness (the extent to which…
Candidates and Competition: Variability in Ideological Voting in U.S. Senate Elections
Objectives. In choosing candidates to support in congressional elections, voters consider both policy and nonpolicy factors. However, the relative importance of incumbency or presidential approval versus candidates' ideological platforms likely varies across elections. Specifically, stiffer electoral competition should encourage ideology‐based voting because candidate information is more plentiful. In contrast, incumbents' ability to garner votes…
In Government We Distrust: Citizen Skepticism and Democracy in the United States
Virtually all accounts of political trust in the US regard declining trust over the past half-century to be troubling. We argue that these interpretations are in need of reassessment since they often are rooted in the normatively questionable assumption that higher trust is always desirable. We review traditions in democratic theory and American thought extolling the virtues of skepticism and distrust of government and discuss potential problems …
The fascist authoritarian model of illiberal democracy
Based on our observations and scholarship about how democratic norms are currently being undermined, we propose a model of fascist authoritarianism that includes authoritarianism, the production and exaggeration of threats, conspiracy-oriented propaganda adoption, and distrust of reality-based professions. We refer to this as the Fascist Authoritarian Model of Illiberal Democracy (FAMID) and argue that all components are essential for understandi…
Law (13 works) · Political science (13 works) · Political economy (12 works) · Politics (12 works) · Sociology (11 works) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (10 works) · Law (9 works) · Economics (8 works) · Public Administration (8 works) · Public Administration (7 works)