Natán Skigin
Biographic Data
| ID | 4386625 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Natán Skigin |
| GIVEN NAMES | Natán |
| FAMILY NAME | Skigin |
| SIGNATURE | SKIGIN N |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Notre Dame |
| ORCID | 0000-0001-6145-6157 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 7 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 18 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 7 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2019 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 3 |
Contesting repression in divided democracies: Can counternarratives reduce support for police violence?
Democracies often struggle to contain police violence, which undermines the rule of law and reproduces inequality by targeting marginalized citizens. Yet, scholars have shown that repressive policing enjoys considerable public support. Focusing on Brazil, we demonstrate that attitudes toward police violence mirror polarization between left‐ and right‐wing voters, and investigate how competing narratives change attitudes toward police violence thr…
Preemptive multipartism and democratic transitions
Scholars debate whether the presence of multiple parties in the legislature stabilizes dictatorships or promotes their demise. We show that authoritarian regimes face a dilemma: allowing for multipartism reduces the risk of bottom-up revolt, but facilitates protracted top-down democratization. Concessions to the opposition diminish the long-term benefits of authoritarian rule and empower regime soft-liners. We test our theory in Latin America—a r…
Prosocial behavior amid violence: The deservingness heuristic and solidarity with victims
Incidents of state repression and criminal violence trigger disparate public responses: Some cases elicit widespread citizen solidarity with victims while others do not. What explains these different reactions? Public debates surrounding civilian victimization vary in the extent to which they present victims as deserving of help, often engaging in victim‐blaming narratives. I argue that through the use of attributional evidence, individuals prima…
Why programmatic parties reduce criminal violence: Theory and evidence from Brazil
Extensive research suggests that electoral competition and power alternations increase violence in weakly institutionalized democracies. Yet, little is known about how political parties affect violence and security. We theorize that the type of party strengthened in elections shapes security outcomes and argue that the rise of programmatic parties, at the expense of clientelistic parties, can significantly reduce violence. In contexts of large-sc…
Let the voters decide: Incumbents, opposition, and contested primaries in Argentina
Citizens’ ability to influence public decisions is the hallmark of democracy, and central to this are candidate selection mechanisms. Despite the increasing popularity of primaries across the globe, scholars disagree on how incumbency status shapes primary election contests. To address this question, I exploit an electoral reform in Argentina that forces parties and coalitions to participate in primaries, but allows these to be contested or uncon…
Resignation as Promotion? Executive Turnover and Early Departures in the Argentine Congress, 1983–2017
When (and why) do legislators quit their jobs? Previous answers to this question have focused on retirements. Looking at voluntary resignations instead, in this article we argue that leaving Congress to assume an elected (executive) office or a position in the (sub)national bureaucracy may be a career‐advancing move motivated by progressive ambition. We document this claim with data from Argentina, where roughly 12% of elected deputies leave volu…
Spreading Influence Through Weak Ties: Cosponsorship, Legislative Networks, and Bill Success in Fragmented Congresses
Literature on legislative success tends to focus on independent variables of which lawmakers have scarce control. This article analyzes instead how legislators’ strategies affect their success in Congress. I posit that while weak ties between congresspeople are the most useful in increasing success in the chamber of origin under majoritarian settings, they do not raise the likelihood of bill approval in the second chamber or in plurality‐led legi…
Spreading Influence Through Weak Ties: Cosponsorship, Legislative Networks, and Bill Success in Fragmented Congresses
Literature on legislative success tends to focus on independent variables of which lawmakers have scarce control. This article analyzes instead how legislators’ strategies affect their success in Congress. I posit that while weak ties between congresspeople are the most useful in increasing success in the chamber of origin under majoritarian settings, they do not raise the likelihood of bill approval in the second chamber or in plurality‐led legi…
Prosocial behavior amid violence: The deservingness heuristic and solidarity with victims
Incidents of state repression and criminal violence trigger disparate public responses: Some cases elicit widespread citizen solidarity with victims while others do not. What explains these different reactions? Public debates surrounding civilian victimization vary in the extent to which they present victims as deserving of help, often engaging in victim‐blaming narratives. I argue that through the use of attributional evidence, individuals prima…
Let the voters decide: Incumbents, opposition, and contested primaries in Argentina
Citizens’ ability to influence public decisions is the hallmark of democracy, and central to this are candidate selection mechanisms. Despite the increasing popularity of primaries across the globe, scholars disagree on how incumbency status shapes primary election contests. To address this question, I exploit an electoral reform in Argentina that forces parties and coalitions to participate in primaries, but allows these to be contested or uncon…
Resignation as Promotion? Executive Turnover and Early Departures in the Argentine Congress, 1983–2017
When (and why) do legislators quit their jobs? Previous answers to this question have focused on retirements. Looking at voluntary resignations instead, in this article we argue that leaving Congress to assume an elected (executive) office or a position in the (sub)national bureaucracy may be a career‐advancing move motivated by progressive ambition. We document this claim with data from Argentina, where roughly 12% of elected deputies leave volu…
Why programmatic parties reduce criminal violence: Theory and evidence from Brazil
Extensive research suggests that electoral competition and power alternations increase violence in weakly institutionalized democracies. Yet, little is known about how political parties affect violence and security. We theorize that the type of party strengthened in elections shapes security outcomes and argue that the rise of programmatic parties, at the expense of clientelistic parties, can significantly reduce violence. In contexts of large-sc…
Spreading Influence Through Weak Ties: Cosponsorship, Legislative Networks, and Bill Success in Fragmented Congresses
Literature on legislative success tends to focus on independent variables of which lawmakers have scarce control. This article analyzes instead how legislators’ strategies affect their success in Congress. I posit that while weak ties between congresspeople are the most useful in increasing success in the chamber of origin under majoritarian settings, they do not raise the likelihood of bill approval in the second chamber or in plurality‐led legi…
Resignation as Promotion? Executive Turnover and Early Departures in the Argentine Congress, 1983–2017
When (and why) do legislators quit their jobs? Previous answers to this question have focused on retirements. Looking at voluntary resignations instead, in this article we argue that leaving Congress to assume an elected (executive) office or a position in the (sub)national bureaucracy may be a career‐advancing move motivated by progressive ambition. We document this claim with data from Argentina, where roughly 12% of elected deputies leave volu…
Why programmatic parties reduce criminal violence: Theory and evidence from Brazil
Extensive research suggests that electoral competition and power alternations increase violence in weakly institutionalized democracies. Yet, little is known about how political parties affect violence and security. We theorize that the type of party strengthened in elections shapes security outcomes and argue that the rise of programmatic parties, at the expense of clientelistic parties, can significantly reduce violence. In contexts of large-sc…
Let the voters decide: Incumbents, opposition, and contested primaries in Argentina
Citizens’ ability to influence public decisions is the hallmark of democracy, and central to this are candidate selection mechanisms. Despite the increasing popularity of primaries across the globe, scholars disagree on how incumbency status shapes primary election contests. To address this question, I exploit an electoral reform in Argentina that forces parties and coalitions to participate in primaries, but allows these to be contested or uncon…
Prosocial behavior amid violence: The deservingness heuristic and solidarity with victims
Incidents of state repression and criminal violence trigger disparate public responses: Some cases elicit widespread citizen solidarity with victims while others do not. What explains these different reactions? Public debates surrounding civilian victimization vary in the extent to which they present victims as deserving of help, often engaging in victim‐blaming narratives. I argue that through the use of attributional evidence, individuals prima…
Preemptive multipartism and democratic transitions
Scholars debate whether the presence of multiple parties in the legislature stabilizes dictatorships or promotes their demise. We show that authoritarian regimes face a dilemma: allowing for multipartism reduces the risk of bottom-up revolt, but facilitates protracted top-down democratization. Concessions to the opposition diminish the long-term benefits of authoritarian rule and empower regime soft-liners. We test our theory in Latin America—a r…
Contesting repression in divided democracies: Can counternarratives reduce support for police violence?
Democracies often struggle to contain police violence, which undermines the rule of law and reproduces inequality by targeting marginalized citizens. Yet, scholars have shown that repressive policing enjoys considerable public support. Focusing on Brazil, we demonstrate that attitudes toward police violence mirror polarization between left‐ and right‐wing voters, and investigate how competing narratives change attitudes toward police violence thr…
Law (5 works) · Law (5 works) · Political Conflict and Governance (5 works) · Political science (5 works) · Politics and Society in Latin America (5 works) · Legislature (4 works) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (3 works) · Political economy (3 works) · Politics (3 works) · Argument (complex analysis (2 works)