A Vinod Kumar
Biographic Data
| ID | 4451104 |
|---|---|
| NAME | A Vinod Kumar |
| GIVEN NAMES | A Vinod |
| FAMILY NAME | Kumar |
| SIGNATURE | KUMAR A V |
| AFFILIATIONS | Cleveland State University |
| ORCID | 0000-0003-4543-5772 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 8 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 28 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 8 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2013 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2023 |
| H-INDEX | 3 |
Contesting in the policy sphere: Stakeholders and policy formulation on the lower Subansiri dam in the Northeast
We advance a framework for analysis of democratic contestation in the policy and media spheres, in the context of the interest group theory and the stages of public policy evolution, to assess whether the contestation process favors some stakeholders over others in India, with a model that predicts pro- or anti-dam policy discourses in the news. There is evidence from participation in environmental movements, especially in the case of anti-dam pr…
Political campaigning and party strategies: The importance of rallies in the northern states
The rise of populist welfare politics with the distinct flavour of Hindutva-inspired nationalism seems to have replaced pluralistic and class-based politics. However, Hindutva has been around for decades now, and until 2014, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had never won a majority on its own in the Lok Sabha. The 2014 election outcome cannot be explained by Hindutva-inspired new caste alliances only. This study suggests that what has changed is …
The Covid‐19–Social Identity–Digital Media Nexus in India: Polarization and Blame
Drawing on social identity theory and research on digital media and polarization, this study uses a quasi‐experimental design with a random sample (n = 3304) to provide causal evidence on perceptions of who is to blame for the initial spread of COVID‐19 in India. According blame to three different social and political entities—Tablighi Jamaat (a Muslim group), the Modi government, and migrant workers (a heterogeneous group)—are the dependent vari…
Shield Against the Bomb: Ballistic Missile Defence in a Nuclear Environment
Campaigns, Digital Media, and Mobilization in India
Early research in western contexts finds evidence of online participation leading to political engagement. We test this hypothesis in a nonwestern campaign context. We discuss India’s complex “hybrid media system,” political parties, leaders, and issues in the 2014 national election that saw more use of digital information channels by all parties, and more so by the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the young Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) than …
Norm Entrepreneur, Catalyst or Challenger? India in the Nuclear Non-proliferation Narrative
The history of India’s interaction with the normative structures of the non-proliferation regime has been unique albeit tumultuous. The vibrancy of the roles and identities that India had attained in the normative churning of the regime is a useful case study to understand the dynamics of norm construction within the non-proliferation system. While the model of norm entrepreneurship can be used to explain this phenomenon, the Indian example shows…
Looking Back at Obama’s Campaign in 2008: “True Blue Populist” and Social Production of Empty Signifiers in Political Reporting
This paper is about populism as a discursive political practice and the news media. Building on Ernesto Laclau’s (2005) argument of why empty signifiers are important to understand the politics of populism, this paper shows why empty signifiers matter to political reporting. I argue that the emptiness is a valuable social artifact of articulation to understand populist discourse and its manifestation in political reporting. I show how empty signi…
India’s nuclear energy renaissance: Stuck in the middle
India envisioned an ambitious three-stage nuclear energy programme with plans to generate over 20, 000 MW of power, though realities forced its revision to 10, 000 MW. Despite being targeted by denial regimes after its 1974 peaceful nuclear explosion, the country managed to develop a largely indigenous infrastructure, propelled by the promise of exploiting its vast thorium resources. Having been stuck in the first-stage for long, India decided to…
Campaigns, Digital Media, and Mobilization in India
Early research in western contexts finds evidence of online participation leading to political engagement. We test this hypothesis in a nonwestern campaign context. We discuss India’s complex “hybrid media system,” political parties, leaders, and issues in the 2014 national election that saw more use of digital information channels by all parties, and more so by the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the young Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) than …
The Covid‐19–Social Identity–Digital Media Nexus in India: Polarization and Blame
Drawing on social identity theory and research on digital media and polarization, this study uses a quasi‐experimental design with a random sample (n = 3304) to provide causal evidence on perceptions of who is to blame for the initial spread of COVID‐19 in India. According blame to three different social and political entities—Tablighi Jamaat (a Muslim group), the Modi government, and migrant workers (a heterogeneous group)—are the dependent vari…
Political campaigning and party strategies: The importance of rallies in the northern states
The rise of populist welfare politics with the distinct flavour of Hindutva-inspired nationalism seems to have replaced pluralistic and class-based politics. However, Hindutva has been around for decades now, and until 2014, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had never won a majority on its own in the Lok Sabha. The 2014 election outcome cannot be explained by Hindutva-inspired new caste alliances only. This study suggests that what has changed is …
India’s nuclear energy renaissance: Stuck in the middle
India envisioned an ambitious three-stage nuclear energy programme with plans to generate over 20, 000 MW of power, though realities forced its revision to 10, 000 MW. Despite being targeted by denial regimes after its 1974 peaceful nuclear explosion, the country managed to develop a largely indigenous infrastructure, propelled by the promise of exploiting its vast thorium resources. Having been stuck in the first-stage for long, India decided to…
Looking Back at Obama’s Campaign in 2008: “True Blue Populist” and Social Production of Empty Signifiers in Political Reporting
This paper is about populism as a discursive political practice and the news media. Building on Ernesto Laclau’s (2005) argument of why empty signifiers are important to understand the politics of populism, this paper shows why empty signifiers matter to political reporting. I argue that the emptiness is a valuable social artifact of articulation to understand populist discourse and its manifestation in political reporting. I show how empty signi…
India’s nuclear energy renaissance: Stuck in the middle
India envisioned an ambitious three-stage nuclear energy programme with plans to generate over 20, 000 MW of power, though realities forced its revision to 10, 000 MW. Despite being targeted by denial regimes after its 1974 peaceful nuclear explosion, the country managed to develop a largely indigenous infrastructure, propelled by the promise of exploiting its vast thorium resources. Having been stuck in the first-stage for long, India decided to…
Norm Entrepreneur, Catalyst or Challenger? India in the Nuclear Non-proliferation Narrative
The history of India’s interaction with the normative structures of the non-proliferation regime has been unique albeit tumultuous. The vibrancy of the roles and identities that India had attained in the normative churning of the regime is a useful case study to understand the dynamics of norm construction within the non-proliferation system. While the model of norm entrepreneurship can be used to explain this phenomenon, the Indian example shows…
Looking Back at Obama’s Campaign in 2008: “True Blue Populist” and Social Production of Empty Signifiers in Political Reporting
This paper is about populism as a discursive political practice and the news media. Building on Ernesto Laclau’s (2005) argument of why empty signifiers are important to understand the politics of populism, this paper shows why empty signifiers matter to political reporting. I argue that the emptiness is a valuable social artifact of articulation to understand populist discourse and its manifestation in political reporting. I show how empty signi…
Campaigns, Digital Media, and Mobilization in India
Early research in western contexts finds evidence of online participation leading to political engagement. We test this hypothesis in a nonwestern campaign context. We discuss India’s complex “hybrid media system,” political parties, leaders, and issues in the 2014 national election that saw more use of digital information channels by all parties, and more so by the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the young Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) than …
Shield Against the Bomb: Ballistic Missile Defence in a Nuclear Environment
The Covid‐19–Social Identity–Digital Media Nexus in India: Polarization and Blame
Drawing on social identity theory and research on digital media and polarization, this study uses a quasi‐experimental design with a random sample (n = 3304) to provide causal evidence on perceptions of who is to blame for the initial spread of COVID‐19 in India. According blame to three different social and political entities—Tablighi Jamaat (a Muslim group), the Modi government, and migrant workers (a heterogeneous group)—are the dependent vari…
Political campaigning and party strategies: The importance of rallies in the northern states
The rise of populist welfare politics with the distinct flavour of Hindutva-inspired nationalism seems to have replaced pluralistic and class-based politics. However, Hindutva has been around for decades now, and until 2014, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had never won a majority on its own in the Lok Sabha. The 2014 election outcome cannot be explained by Hindutva-inspired new caste alliances only. This study suggests that what has changed is …
Contesting in the policy sphere: Stakeholders and policy formulation on the lower Subansiri dam in the Northeast
We advance a framework for analysis of democratic contestation in the policy and media spheres, in the context of the interest group theory and the stages of public policy evolution, to assess whether the contestation process favors some stakeholders over others in India, with a model that predicts pro- or anti-dam policy discourses in the news. There is evidence from participation in environmental movements, especially in the case of anti-dam pr…
Political science (7 works) · Law (6 works) · Law (5 works) · Politics (5 works) · Sociology (5 works) · Context (archaeology (3 works) · Geography (3 works) · Political economy (3 works) · Psychology (3 works) · Social Media and Politics (3 works)