Cornelius O’leary
Biographic Data
| ID | 4451250 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Cornelius O’leary |
| GIVEN NAMES | Cornelius |
| FAMILY NAME | O’leary |
| SIGNATURE | O’LEARY C |
| AFFILIATIONS | Queen's University Belfast |
| VERIFIED | No |
| TOTAL WORKS | 23 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 27 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 23 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 1965 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 1987 |
| H-INDEX | 2 |
The Irish referendum on divorce (1986)
The Irish general election (November 1982)
Notes on Recent Elections The Irish general elections of 1981 and 1982
The Age of John Bates: 1832–55
T HE first election after the Reform Act (which doubled the Irish electorate) marked the emergence all over the country of political clubs and societies characterised by their devotion to political principles, but also by the more utilitarian purpose of managing the registration system at its first trial. Two main parties emerged generally, but not uniformly. I The Liberals, or Reformers, were prevalent throughout the three southern provinces and…
Conclusions
W E have attempted to give a general account of Belfast politics, historical and contemporary, which would serve in a sense as a terminal description of a system of some antiquity now about to disappear. This purpose has been fulfilled by the discussions of Belfast development and of political behaviour and attitudes in 1966, which form the staple of previous chapters. Inevitably, a major concern has been with religious tensions, violence and int…
Local Elections and Party Competition: 1897–1967
M ODERN social and institutional developments in Belfast are entangled with politics to an even greater extent than in other cities. It is to the political severance of the North from the rest of Ireland that Belfast owes its present role as an administrative and, in a modest sense, cultural centre. It is the political link with Britain that has provided financial aid for the post-war restructuring of the economy, and technological assistance for…
Class and Religion in Belfast
THE perceived and actual influence of religion on party support provokes more extensive investigation of its effects, and of its relationship with other social characteristics in Belfast. However, it is also interesting to investigate class phenomena for the very reason that class does not exert as strong an influence as elsewhere in Britain. The most plausible explanation lies in the possibility that class distinctions and feelings assume a diff…
Political Communication
A LTHOUGH they were associated with similarities and dissimilarities of social background rather than with levels of political activity, information blocks emerged as central to relationships between councillors, residents and constituents in Belfast. Their importance stemmed not only from more or less permanent effects on the practice of representation but also from their influence on the major political development of the 1960s — the unsuccessf…
The Age of Riots: 1855–74
A T the beginning of his chapters entitled ‘Late Victorian Belfast’ in Beckett and Glasscock’s compilation, Professor Emrys Jones cites from an unnamed newspaper of 1853 a remarkable piece of Belfast self-congratulation: ‘this great emporium of trade, manufacturing and commerce now exciting the attention and claiming the admiration of every community whose good example we have been following, and of every community to which, in our turn, we prese…
Recruitment of Activists
I N terms of its influence over attitudes, activism emerged as a factor in Belfast politics at least comparable with class, religion and party. Subsequent chapters will be concerned with exploring some of the implications of this finding. For if activists, by virtue of experiences in Council and administration which they share with each other but not with their followers, develop preferences and appraisals which differ from those of the general p…
And After
On 11 March 1919 the British Government, through its law officers for Ireland, formally introduced in the Commons a bill entitled the Local Government (Ireland) Bill. Its proximate cause was the fact that the suspensory Acts of 1916, 1917 and 1918, prolonging the lives of the existing local authorities, were shortly due to expire. The local authorities were either four or five years old and were in grave need of renewal. 1 To hold fresh elections…
Support for Established Institutions, Cross-cutting and the Reaction of Political Moderates
S IGNS of the impending crisis in Northern Ireland are scattered through the evidence reviewed in previous chapters. When interpreted contextually, these give strong indications of how and why a crisis developed. The class division underlying politics in Britain was in Belfast overlaid by religious tension and Unionist hegemony (Chapter 8). That hegemony was seen as irreversible under existing procedures because it was based on the solid support …
Influences on Political Attitudes: Class, Religion, Party and Activism
C ARRYING on the analysis of class and religious manifestations in Belfast, we are interested here in estimating the relative pull of class and religious feelings when these are compared directly. This analysis forms the first section, below. The comparative influence of class and religion can also be estimated indirectly, through their effect on a wide variety of preferences, perceptions and attitudes, at both activist and popular levels. The at…
The Early Years: 1613–1832
BELFAST alone among the great towns of Ireland has been a political community almost from its beginning, which can be dated precisely to the first decade of the seventeenth century. Like all the other towns, with the exception of Kilkenny, it was built on tidal water at a ford across the river Lagan. Although some habitations existed since prehistoric times, they were insignificant until the conquest of Ulster under Elizabeth and James I. During …
Representation
OUR comparison of councillors and residents in Belfast has revealed as many differences between councillors in the two parties as between councillors and residents per se. But this conclusion should not be overstated. While Unionist councillors were obviously drawn from more exclusive groupings than non-Unionist councillors, it remains true that the latter are not a mirror image of residents in terms either of present socioeconomic characteristic…
Party Images and Voting Choice: 1966
T HE fact that Unionist hegemony in Belfast rests on genuine majority support rather than electoral sharp practice shifts our explanatory concern one stage back from the distribution of votes cast to the motivations behind these votes. In turn this shift implies a change in the main type of evidence considered, from aggregate, historical voting statistics to contemporary survey responses. What we learn about motivations from the answers made to u…
The Age of Consolidation: 1874–1920
‘It is just as bad as bad could be. There is scarcely a town in the United Kingdom, except Belfast, in which a Liberal candidate could not count on polling a very considerable number of votes.’ I This lament in a Northern Whig editorial after the general election result of 1874 had been declared marks the recognition by the Belfast Liberals that Belfast was incontrovertibly a Conservative city, and might well serve as the keynote for the developm…
Belfast: Approach to Crisis
Thirty-fourth Annual Report of the Irish Committee of Historical Sciences, 1971
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Thirty-third Annual Report of the Irish Committee of Historical Sciences July 1970-January 1971
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Thirty-second Annual Report of the Irish Committee of Historical Sciences
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Administration in the Irish Republic
The Wedgwood Benn Case and the Doctrine of Wilful Perversity
The Wedgwood Benn Case and the Doctrine of Wilful Perversity
Administration in the Irish Republic
Thirty-second Annual Report of the Irish Committee of Historical Sciences
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Thirty-third Annual Report of the Irish Committee of Historical Sciences July 1970-January 1971
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
Thirty-fourth Annual Report of the Irish Committee of Historical Sciences, 1971
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content
The Age of John Bates: 1832–55
T HE first election after the Reform Act (which doubled the Irish electorate) marked the emergence all over the country of political clubs and societies characterised by their devotion to political principles, but also by the more utilitarian purpose of managing the registration system at its first trial. Two main parties emerged generally, but not uniformly. I The Liberals, or Reformers, were prevalent throughout the three southern provinces and…
Conclusions
W E have attempted to give a general account of Belfast politics, historical and contemporary, which would serve in a sense as a terminal description of a system of some antiquity now about to disappear. This purpose has been fulfilled by the discussions of Belfast development and of political behaviour and attitudes in 1966, which form the staple of previous chapters. Inevitably, a major concern has been with religious tensions, violence and int…
Local Elections and Party Competition: 1897–1967
M ODERN social and institutional developments in Belfast are entangled with politics to an even greater extent than in other cities. It is to the political severance of the North from the rest of Ireland that Belfast owes its present role as an administrative and, in a modest sense, cultural centre. It is the political link with Britain that has provided financial aid for the post-war restructuring of the economy, and technological assistance for…
Class and Religion in Belfast
THE perceived and actual influence of religion on party support provokes more extensive investigation of its effects, and of its relationship with other social characteristics in Belfast. However, it is also interesting to investigate class phenomena for the very reason that class does not exert as strong an influence as elsewhere in Britain. The most plausible explanation lies in the possibility that class distinctions and feelings assume a diff…
Political Communication
A LTHOUGH they were associated with similarities and dissimilarities of social background rather than with levels of political activity, information blocks emerged as central to relationships between councillors, residents and constituents in Belfast. Their importance stemmed not only from more or less permanent effects on the practice of representation but also from their influence on the major political development of the 1960s — the unsuccessf…
The Age of Riots: 1855–74
A T the beginning of his chapters entitled ‘Late Victorian Belfast’ in Beckett and Glasscock’s compilation, Professor Emrys Jones cites from an unnamed newspaper of 1853 a remarkable piece of Belfast self-congratulation: ‘this great emporium of trade, manufacturing and commerce now exciting the attention and claiming the admiration of every community whose good example we have been following, and of every community to which, in our turn, we prese…
Recruitment of Activists
I N terms of its influence over attitudes, activism emerged as a factor in Belfast politics at least comparable with class, religion and party. Subsequent chapters will be concerned with exploring some of the implications of this finding. For if activists, by virtue of experiences in Council and administration which they share with each other but not with their followers, develop preferences and appraisals which differ from those of the general p…
And After
On 11 March 1919 the British Government, through its law officers for Ireland, formally introduced in the Commons a bill entitled the Local Government (Ireland) Bill. Its proximate cause was the fact that the suspensory Acts of 1916, 1917 and 1918, prolonging the lives of the existing local authorities, were shortly due to expire. The local authorities were either four or five years old and were in grave need of renewal. 1 To hold fresh elections…
Support for Established Institutions, Cross-cutting and the Reaction of Political Moderates
S IGNS of the impending crisis in Northern Ireland are scattered through the evidence reviewed in previous chapters. When interpreted contextually, these give strong indications of how and why a crisis developed. The class division underlying politics in Britain was in Belfast overlaid by religious tension and Unionist hegemony (Chapter 8). That hegemony was seen as irreversible under existing procedures because it was based on the solid support …
Influences on Political Attitudes: Class, Religion, Party and Activism
C ARRYING on the analysis of class and religious manifestations in Belfast, we are interested here in estimating the relative pull of class and religious feelings when these are compared directly. This analysis forms the first section, below. The comparative influence of class and religion can also be estimated indirectly, through their effect on a wide variety of preferences, perceptions and attitudes, at both activist and popular levels. The at…
The Early Years: 1613–1832
BELFAST alone among the great towns of Ireland has been a political community almost from its beginning, which can be dated precisely to the first decade of the seventeenth century. Like all the other towns, with the exception of Kilkenny, it was built on tidal water at a ford across the river Lagan. Although some habitations existed since prehistoric times, they were insignificant until the conquest of Ulster under Elizabeth and James I. During …
Representation
OUR comparison of councillors and residents in Belfast has revealed as many differences between councillors in the two parties as between councillors and residents per se. But this conclusion should not be overstated. While Unionist councillors were obviously drawn from more exclusive groupings than non-Unionist councillors, it remains true that the latter are not a mirror image of residents in terms either of present socioeconomic characteristic…
Party Images and Voting Choice: 1966
T HE fact that Unionist hegemony in Belfast rests on genuine majority support rather than electoral sharp practice shifts our explanatory concern one stage back from the distribution of votes cast to the motivations behind these votes. In turn this shift implies a change in the main type of evidence considered, from aggregate, historical voting statistics to contemporary survey responses. What we learn about motivations from the answers made to u…
The Age of Consolidation: 1874–1920
‘It is just as bad as bad could be. There is scarcely a town in the United Kingdom, except Belfast, in which a Liberal candidate could not count on polling a very considerable number of votes.’ I This lament in a Northern Whig editorial after the general election result of 1874 had been declared marks the recognition by the Belfast Liberals that Belfast was incontrovertibly a Conservative city, and might well serve as the keynote for the developm…
Belfast: Approach to Crisis
Notes on Recent Elections The Irish general elections of 1981 and 1982
The Irish general election (November 1982)
The Irish referendum on divorce (1986)
Irish and British Studies (19 works) · Political science (17 works) · Law (16 works) · Politics (13 works) · Sociology (12 works) · Irish (10 works) · History (7 works) · Philosophy (7 works) · Economics (6 works) · Political economy (6 works)