Míla O’sullivan
Biographic Data
| ID | 4451451 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Míla O’sullivan |
| GIVEN NAMES | Míla |
| FAMILY NAME | O’sullivan |
| SIGNATURE | O’SULLIVAN M |
| AFFILIATIONS | Institute of International Relations Prague |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-9784-110X |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 8 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 57 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 8 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2019 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2024 |
| H-INDEX | 4 |
What Peace When We Win
Women, Peace and Security as deterrence? Nato and Russia's war against Ukraine
NATO's security turn following Russia's 2014 invasion of Ukraine opened new prospects for adopting the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda from external operations to all tasks of the alliance. Drawing on feminist institutionalism and feminist pragmatist approach to security, this article interrogates NATO's WPS localization in deterrence and territorial defence. I demonstrate that NATO has in the past decade been unable to operationalize WPS …
Central European subalterns speak security (too)
(En)Countering epistemic imperialism
On February 24, 2022, the world was surprised by Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine and, perhaps even more so, by Ukraine's fierce resistance to it. In this article, we examine mainstream and feminist International Relations (IR) debates that have emerged in response to Russia's invasion, as well as the older debates revived through them. Building on decolonial and feminist scholarship, prominently centering feminist debates from Europe's Ea…
Women, Peace and Security in central Europe
Although firmly established as a global norm, the Women, Peace and Security Agenda (WPS) has been largely driven by the global North attempting to solve insecurities in the global South. Postcolonial feminist research shows that this western-centrism and colonial legacies continue to dominate both WPS practices and knowledge production. This article focuses on WPS in central Europe, a previously ignored ‘non-region’ that remains outside the North…
This agenda will never be politically popular”
The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda has recently started to gain traction in Central Europe, notwithstanding discussion in the region about the harms that the so-called “gender ideology” allegedly causes. In 2017, the Czech Republic was the first Central European country to adopt its National Action Plan (NAP) on WPS. Through analyzing the Czech NAP, we explore what kinds of WPS policies can emerge in a seemingly hostile institutional envi…
The Forgotten Lives
Recent debates within Women, Peace and Security (WPS) scholarship (e.g., Bergeron, Cohn, and Duncanson 2017; Elias 2015; True 2015) have underlined the need to position the WPS agenda in the context of broader feminist security analysis as defined by early feminist international relations scholars (e.g., Tickner 1992). More precisely, this requires integrating feminist security studies (FSS) and feminist political economy (FPE). At the center of …
Being strong enough to defend yourself”
Following the outbreak of armed conflict in 2014, Ukraine adopted a National Action Plan within United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 for the period 2016–20, the first country in conflict to do so. Ukraine's case demonstrates that in a situation of active conflict, the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda becomes strongly linked to military security. Drawing on interviews, documents, and narratives by feminist and public figures, I ar…
(En)Countering epistemic imperialism
On February 24, 2022, the world was surprised by Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine and, perhaps even more so, by Ukraine's fierce resistance to it. In this article, we examine mainstream and feminist International Relations (IR) debates that have emerged in response to Russia's invasion, as well as the older debates revived through them. Building on decolonial and feminist scholarship, prominently centering feminist debates from Europe's Ea…
Being strong enough to defend yourself”
Following the outbreak of armed conflict in 2014, Ukraine adopted a National Action Plan within United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 for the period 2016–20, the first country in conflict to do so. Ukraine's case demonstrates that in a situation of active conflict, the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda becomes strongly linked to military security. Drawing on interviews, documents, and narratives by feminist and public figures, I ar…
This agenda will never be politically popular”
The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda has recently started to gain traction in Central Europe, notwithstanding discussion in the region about the harms that the so-called “gender ideology” allegedly causes. In 2017, the Czech Republic was the first Central European country to adopt its National Action Plan (NAP) on WPS. Through analyzing the Czech NAP, we explore what kinds of WPS policies can emerge in a seemingly hostile institutional envi…
Central European subalterns speak security (too)
The Forgotten Lives
Recent debates within Women, Peace and Security (WPS) scholarship (e.g., Bergeron, Cohn, and Duncanson 2017; Elias 2015; True 2015) have underlined the need to position the WPS agenda in the context of broader feminist security analysis as defined by early feminist international relations scholars (e.g., Tickner 1992). More precisely, this requires integrating feminist security studies (FSS) and feminist political economy (FPE). At the center of …
Women, Peace and Security as deterrence? Nato and Russia's war against Ukraine
NATO's security turn following Russia's 2014 invasion of Ukraine opened new prospects for adopting the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda from external operations to all tasks of the alliance. Drawing on feminist institutionalism and feminist pragmatist approach to security, this article interrogates NATO's WPS localization in deterrence and territorial defence. I demonstrate that NATO has in the past decade been unable to operationalize WPS …
Women, Peace and Security in central Europe
Although firmly established as a global norm, the Women, Peace and Security Agenda (WPS) has been largely driven by the global North attempting to solve insecurities in the global South. Postcolonial feminist research shows that this western-centrism and colonial legacies continue to dominate both WPS practices and knowledge production. This article focuses on WPS in central Europe, a previously ignored ‘non-region’ that remains outside the North…
Being strong enough to defend yourself”
Following the outbreak of armed conflict in 2014, Ukraine adopted a National Action Plan within United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 for the period 2016–20, the first country in conflict to do so. Ukraine's case demonstrates that in a situation of active conflict, the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda becomes strongly linked to military security. Drawing on interviews, documents, and narratives by feminist and public figures, I ar…
This agenda will never be politically popular”
The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda has recently started to gain traction in Central Europe, notwithstanding discussion in the region about the harms that the so-called “gender ideology” allegedly causes. In 2017, the Czech Republic was the first Central European country to adopt its National Action Plan (NAP) on WPS. Through analyzing the Czech NAP, we explore what kinds of WPS policies can emerge in a seemingly hostile institutional envi…
The Forgotten Lives
Recent debates within Women, Peace and Security (WPS) scholarship (e.g., Bergeron, Cohn, and Duncanson 2017; Elias 2015; True 2015) have underlined the need to position the WPS agenda in the context of broader feminist security analysis as defined by early feminist international relations scholars (e.g., Tickner 1992). More precisely, this requires integrating feminist security studies (FSS) and feminist political economy (FPE). At the center of …
Central European subalterns speak security (too)
(En)Countering epistemic imperialism
On February 24, 2022, the world was surprised by Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine and, perhaps even more so, by Ukraine's fierce resistance to it. In this article, we examine mainstream and feminist International Relations (IR) debates that have emerged in response to Russia's invasion, as well as the older debates revived through them. Building on decolonial and feminist scholarship, prominently centering feminist debates from Europe's Ea…
Women, Peace and Security in central Europe
Although firmly established as a global norm, the Women, Peace and Security Agenda (WPS) has been largely driven by the global North attempting to solve insecurities in the global South. Postcolonial feminist research shows that this western-centrism and colonial legacies continue to dominate both WPS practices and knowledge production. This article focuses on WPS in central Europe, a previously ignored ‘non-region’ that remains outside the North…
What Peace When We Win
Women, Peace and Security as deterrence? Nato and Russia's war against Ukraine
NATO's security turn following Russia's 2014 invasion of Ukraine opened new prospects for adopting the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda from external operations to all tasks of the alliance. Drawing on feminist institutionalism and feminist pragmatist approach to security, this article interrogates NATO's WPS localization in deterrence and territorial defence. I demonstrate that NATO has in the past decade been unable to operationalize WPS …
Political economy (7 works) · Political science (7 works) · Sociology (7 works) · Gender, Security, and Conflict (6 works) · Law (6 works) · Politics (6 works) · Gender Politics and Representation (5 works) · Gender Studies (5 works) · Law (5 works) · Gender Studies (4 works)