Álvaro Canalejo-Molero
Biographic Data
| ID | 4457313 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Álvaro Canalejo-Molero |
| GIVEN NAMES | Álvaro |
| FAMILY NAME | Canalejo-Molero |
| SIGNATURE | CANALEJO-MOLERO Á |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Lucerne |
| ORCID | 0000-0001-7980-0702 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 4 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 1 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 4 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2025 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 1 |
The winner–loser gap in democratic attitudes among politicians: Individual and collective outcomes
Rooted in concerns about losers’ consent to electoral outcomes, a vast literature documents a winner–loser gap in democratic attitudes among voters, with winners displaying systematically more positive attitudes than losers across a range of indicators. Surprisingly, we know much less about whether this gap extends to politicians. This paper addresses this question both theoretically and empirically. Theoretically, we distinguish between politici…
Blinded by out-group hatred: Why does radical party entry fail to boost its voters’ satisfaction with democracy?
This paper examines why voters of radical parties do not experience an increase in satisfaction with democracy (SWD) after their electoral entry. Drawing on evidence that radical party voters are among the most affectively polarized, we argue that negative affect towards the out-group winner may outweigh the utility gains from in-group results, thus counterbalancing any entry-driven SWD boost. To evaluate our theory, we combine observational, exp…
Priming common European and democratic values does not reduce affective polarization
Growing concerns about affective polarization have led scholars to develop depolarizing interventions (i.e., experimental manipulations designed to reduce partisan animosity) with promising results in the United States. However, these interventions remain untested in Europe’s multi-party systems. This study adapts depolarization interventions highlighting commonalities among political parties and voters to the European context. We test these inte…
When the party is over: Explaining the rise of the Spanish far-right Salf
Can a second far-right party succeed in a country where the radical right was, until recently, absent? Spain’s 2024 European Parliament elections provided a striking answer with the emergence of SALF (“Let the Party Be Over”), a far-right anti-politics platform that captured 4.6% of the vote in its electoral debut, outperforming Podemos and the major regional parties. Through a comprehensive analysis of individual-level data from approximately 38…
When the party is over: Explaining the rise of the Spanish far-right Salf
Can a second far-right party succeed in a country where the radical right was, until recently, absent? Spain’s 2024 European Parliament elections provided a striking answer with the emergence of SALF (“Let the Party Be Over”), a far-right anti-politics platform that captured 4.6% of the vote in its electoral debut, outperforming Podemos and the major regional parties. Through a comprehensive analysis of individual-level data from approximately 38…
When the party is over: Explaining the rise of the Spanish far-right Salf
Can a second far-right party succeed in a country where the radical right was, until recently, absent? Spain’s 2024 European Parliament elections provided a striking answer with the emergence of SALF (“Let the Party Be Over”), a far-right anti-politics platform that captured 4.6% of the vote in its electoral debut, outperforming Podemos and the major regional parties. Through a comprehensive analysis of individual-level data from approximately 38…
The winner–loser gap in democratic attitudes among politicians: Individual and collective outcomes
Rooted in concerns about losers’ consent to electoral outcomes, a vast literature documents a winner–loser gap in democratic attitudes among voters, with winners displaying systematically more positive attitudes than losers across a range of indicators. Surprisingly, we know much less about whether this gap extends to politicians. This paper addresses this question both theoretically and empirically. Theoretically, we distinguish between politici…
Blinded by out-group hatred: Why does radical party entry fail to boost its voters’ satisfaction with democracy?
This paper examines why voters of radical parties do not experience an increase in satisfaction with democracy (SWD) after their electoral entry. Drawing on evidence that radical party voters are among the most affectively polarized, we argue that negative affect towards the out-group winner may outweigh the utility gains from in-group results, thus counterbalancing any entry-driven SWD boost. To evaluate our theory, we combine observational, exp…
Priming common European and democratic values does not reduce affective polarization
Growing concerns about affective polarization have led scholars to develop depolarizing interventions (i.e., experimental manipulations designed to reduce partisan animosity) with promising results in the United States. However, these interventions remain untested in Europe’s multi-party systems. This study adapts depolarization interventions highlighting commonalities among political parties and voters to the European context. We test these inte…
Democracy (3 works) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (3 works) · Politics (3 works) · Social Media and Politics (3 works) · Parliament (2 works) · Perception (2 works) · Populism, Right-Wing Movements (2 works) · Affect (linguistics) (1 works) · Contingency (1 works) · Delegate (1 works)