Cezar Stanciu
Biographic Data
| ID | 4787052 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Cezar Stanciu |
| GIVEN NAMES | Cezar |
| FAMILY NAME | Stanciu |
| SIGNATURE | STANCIU C |
| AFFILIATIONS | Valahia University of Targoviste |
| ORCID | 0000-0001-6224-6522 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 16 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 11 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 16 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2006 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2021 |
| H-INDEX | 2 |
Romania and the Palestine Liberation Organization, 1972–1974
This article reassesses Nicolae Ceaușescu’s relations with Yasser Arafat and the Palestine Liberation Organization in the first years after their first contact in 1972. Romania pursued an active policy in the Middle East conflict from 1967 onwards, trying to help establish contacts and carry messages between the parties involved, motivated by its anti-hegemonic foreign policy which considered that the conflict was the product of superpower rivalr…
Romania, the CSCE and the legacy of World War II
La Unión Soviética consideró el proceso de la CSCE una oportunidad para resolver problemas que pendientes tras la Segunda Guerra Mundial; por ejemplo, el reconocimiento de sus fronteras occidentales como potencia victoriosa. Rumania también vio la conferencia como una oportunidad, pero en otro sentido: el de poner fin a un mundo de vencedores y perdedores, reemplazándolo por la igualdad de todos los Estados. El régimen de Bucarest entendía que el…
Romania and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
Studie analyzuje, jak se v ťedesĂĄtĂ ̋ch letech minulĂŠho stoletĂ vyvĂjel postoj RumunskĂŠ socialistickĂŠ republiky k vyjednĂĄvĂĄnĂ multilaterĂĄlnĂ Smlouvy o neĹĄĂĹ enĂ jadernĂ ̋ch zbranĂ (Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons). TĂŠma je sledovĂĄno na pozadĂ tehdejĹĄĂho kurzu rumunskĂŠ zahraniÄ nĂ politiky a dlouhodobĂ ̋ch snah o omezenĂ (jadernĂŠho) zbrojenĂ. RumunskĂŠ komunistickĂŠ vedenĂ vÂ Ä ele s Gheorghem Gheor…
A lost chance for Balkan cooperation? The Romanian view on ‘regional micro-détente’, 1969 — 75
The Soviet-American détente raised many concerns among small states that Cold War bipolarity could be consolidated and that the superpowers’ dialogue was just another form of excluding other countries from having a say in international affairs. In order to neutralise the effects of bipolarity, many European governments advocated in favour of a multilateral détente. This paper argues that a similar process occurred in Eastern Europe and analyses t…
Romania and the Third World during the heyday of the détente
All Warsaw Pact countries developed intense relations with Third World countries during the 1970s, following in Moscow’s footsteps, allegedly supporting the struggle against Western imperialism while making profitable arms deals. One Warsaw Pact country, though, saw things differently: it was both American and Soviet imperialism that had to be fought off. This paper reassesses the origins and nature of Romania’s Third World policy in the context …
Fragile Equilibrium
How many powerful allies should a small country have? This was a question to which Nicolae Ceauşescu of Romania had a specific answer. Romania's policy of autonomy in the Soviet bloc was based on a delicate balance between Moscow and Beijing, as Romanians claimed that all Communist parties were equal and none had the right to question the others’ policy choices. Such a political course involved numerous risks for a Soviet satellite, and the Vietn…
Nicolae Ceauşescu and the origins of Eurocommunism
After the Sino-Soviet dispute had considerably weakened Moscow’s supremacy in world communism, Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev was keen on restoring control and unity. But he soon discovered that his meaning of unity did not exactly coincide with what others had in mind. West European communists were striving to accommodate social principles to domestic conditions so, as to be able to accede to government. They advocated for each party’s right to m…
Autonomy and Ideology
One of Leonid Brezhnev's primary goals when he acceded to party leadership in the Soviet Union was to restore Moscow's control over the world communist movement, severely undermined by the Sino-Soviet dispute. Nicolae Ceauşescu of Romania was determined to prevent this, in order to consolidate his country's autonomy in the Communist bloc. The Sino-Soviet dispute offered the political and ideological framework for autonomy, as the Romanian Communi…
A comparative insight into Nicolae Ceauşescu’s strategies of power consolidation
Romania and the Six Day War
In June 1967, when the Soviet Union and its Warsaw Pact partners decided to break off diplomatic relations with Israel following the outbreak of the Six Day War, it came as a surprise to many that Romania refused to do the same. This paper investigates previously unpublished documents in order to retrace the decision-making process in Bucharest and offer a rational answer to the question: why did Romania choose to ignore Moscow's decision? Was it…
Communist regimes and historical legitimacy
How did Communism come to power in Romania? The scientific answer to this question was of no concern to the Romanian and Soviet Communists. History was just another tool of Party propaganda, aimed at providing people with official narratives. But when the Romanians and the Soviets pursue different propaganda goals, a fight over interpretations begins in which each side uses specific descriptions of historical events to serve its political needs. …
A Rebirth of Diplomacy
Nicolae Ceauşescu of Romania was well-known during the Cold War as a non-conformist voice in the Communist bloc, especially because of his opposition to the Soviet Union and spectacular foreign policy initiatives. But was that line Ceauşescu's creation? This analysis examines the sources of Romania's dynamic and autonomous foreign policy in the Cold War and shows that the origins of this foreign policy can be traced back to Ceauşescu's predecesso…
The End of Liberalization in Communist Romania
In July 1971, one of the most non-conformist and Western-oriented leaders in the Soviet bloc, made what appeared to many as a radical turn of his domestic policy: liberalization of arts, culture, and social life were drastically limited and the communist party engaged on a course which was strongly inspired by Stalinism. Since then, questions had been raised as to the reasons and the timing of the change. This article explores various hypotheses …
Crisis management in the Communist bloc
On 21 August 1968, when Soviet tanks were entering Prague liquidating the ‘Prague Spring’, Romanian party leader Nicolae Ceauşescu publicly condemned the intervention as a violation of national sovereignty. Such aggressive attitude lasted only a few days, after which he tried to appease Moscow. This article retraces Ceauşescu's decisions and motivations in the years 1968-1970, which were aimed at eliminating what he perceived as the risk of a sim…
Reshaping Identity through “Official Memories”. The Case of Romania during the Postwar Years of Stalinism (1948-1956)
The control over mind and identity is a basic feature of a totalitarian regime. The Communist regime in Romania embarked on a lengthy process of rebuilding the national identity according to its own political standards and goals. This article examines the ways in which the Communist regime in Romania tried to erase certain events and cultural aspects from the Romanian collective memory in order to replace them with standards and principles of Sov…
The Soviet Outlook on World Affairs in the Early Cold War
One of the most important causes of the Cold War was the misunderstanding which occurred among the Soviet Union and the United States concerning to the new world order, following World War II. This study investigates some aspects of the Soviet perception of world affairs in the early Cold War, trying to identify some of the main elements of the Soviet perception. Ideology played an important part in this enmity, as Marxism-Leninism advocated the …
Crisis management in the Communist bloc
On 21 August 1968, when Soviet tanks were entering Prague liquidating the ‘Prague Spring’, Romanian party leader Nicolae Ceauşescu publicly condemned the intervention as a violation of national sovereignty. Such aggressive attitude lasted only a few days, after which he tried to appease Moscow. This article retraces Ceauşescu's decisions and motivations in the years 1968-1970, which were aimed at eliminating what he perceived as the risk of a sim…
A lost chance for Balkan cooperation? The Romanian view on ‘regional micro-détente’, 1969 — 75
The Soviet-American détente raised many concerns among small states that Cold War bipolarity could be consolidated and that the superpowers’ dialogue was just another form of excluding other countries from having a say in international affairs. In order to neutralise the effects of bipolarity, many European governments advocated in favour of a multilateral détente. This paper argues that a similar process occurred in Eastern Europe and analyses t…
A Rebirth of Diplomacy
Nicolae Ceauşescu of Romania was well-known during the Cold War as a non-conformist voice in the Communist bloc, especially because of his opposition to the Soviet Union and spectacular foreign policy initiatives. But was that line Ceauşescu's creation? This analysis examines the sources of Romania's dynamic and autonomous foreign policy in the Cold War and shows that the origins of this foreign policy can be traced back to Ceauşescu's predecesso…
Romania and the Palestine Liberation Organization, 1972–1974
This article reassesses Nicolae Ceaușescu’s relations with Yasser Arafat and the Palestine Liberation Organization in the first years after their first contact in 1972. Romania pursued an active policy in the Middle East conflict from 1967 onwards, trying to help establish contacts and carry messages between the parties involved, motivated by its anti-hegemonic foreign policy which considered that the conflict was the product of superpower rivalr…
Romania and the Third World during the heyday of the détente
All Warsaw Pact countries developed intense relations with Third World countries during the 1970s, following in Moscow’s footsteps, allegedly supporting the struggle against Western imperialism while making profitable arms deals. One Warsaw Pact country, though, saw things differently: it was both American and Soviet imperialism that had to be fought off. This paper reassesses the origins and nature of Romania’s Third World policy in the context …
Autonomy and Ideology
One of Leonid Brezhnev's primary goals when he acceded to party leadership in the Soviet Union was to restore Moscow's control over the world communist movement, severely undermined by the Sino-Soviet dispute. Nicolae Ceauşescu of Romania was determined to prevent this, in order to consolidate his country's autonomy in the Communist bloc. The Sino-Soviet dispute offered the political and ideological framework for autonomy, as the Romanian Communi…
The End of Liberalization in Communist Romania
In July 1971, one of the most non-conformist and Western-oriented leaders in the Soviet bloc, made what appeared to many as a radical turn of his domestic policy: liberalization of arts, culture, and social life were drastically limited and the communist party engaged on a course which was strongly inspired by Stalinism. Since then, questions had been raised as to the reasons and the timing of the change. This article explores various hypotheses …
The Soviet Outlook on World Affairs in the Early Cold War
One of the most important causes of the Cold War was the misunderstanding which occurred among the Soviet Union and the United States concerning to the new world order, following World War II. This study investigates some aspects of the Soviet perception of world affairs in the early Cold War, trying to identify some of the main elements of the Soviet perception. Ideology played an important part in this enmity, as Marxism-Leninism advocated the …
Reshaping Identity through “Official Memories”. The Case of Romania during the Postwar Years of Stalinism (1948-1956)
The control over mind and identity is a basic feature of a totalitarian regime. The Communist regime in Romania embarked on a lengthy process of rebuilding the national identity according to its own political standards and goals. This article examines the ways in which the Communist regime in Romania tried to erase certain events and cultural aspects from the Romanian collective memory in order to replace them with standards and principles of Sov…
Crisis management in the Communist bloc
On 21 August 1968, when Soviet tanks were entering Prague liquidating the ‘Prague Spring’, Romanian party leader Nicolae Ceauşescu publicly condemned the intervention as a violation of national sovereignty. Such aggressive attitude lasted only a few days, after which he tried to appease Moscow. This article retraces Ceauşescu's decisions and motivations in the years 1968-1970, which were aimed at eliminating what he perceived as the risk of a sim…
Communist regimes and historical legitimacy
How did Communism come to power in Romania? The scientific answer to this question was of no concern to the Romanian and Soviet Communists. History was just another tool of Party propaganda, aimed at providing people with official narratives. But when the Romanians and the Soviets pursue different propaganda goals, a fight over interpretations begins in which each side uses specific descriptions of historical events to serve its political needs. …
A Rebirth of Diplomacy
Nicolae Ceauşescu of Romania was well-known during the Cold War as a non-conformist voice in the Communist bloc, especially because of his opposition to the Soviet Union and spectacular foreign policy initiatives. But was that line Ceauşescu's creation? This analysis examines the sources of Romania's dynamic and autonomous foreign policy in the Cold War and shows that the origins of this foreign policy can be traced back to Ceauşescu's predecesso…
The End of Liberalization in Communist Romania
In July 1971, one of the most non-conformist and Western-oriented leaders in the Soviet bloc, made what appeared to many as a radical turn of his domestic policy: liberalization of arts, culture, and social life were drastically limited and the communist party engaged on a course which was strongly inspired by Stalinism. Since then, questions had been raised as to the reasons and the timing of the change. This article explores various hypotheses …
Autonomy and Ideology
One of Leonid Brezhnev's primary goals when he acceded to party leadership in the Soviet Union was to restore Moscow's control over the world communist movement, severely undermined by the Sino-Soviet dispute. Nicolae Ceauşescu of Romania was determined to prevent this, in order to consolidate his country's autonomy in the Communist bloc. The Sino-Soviet dispute offered the political and ideological framework for autonomy, as the Romanian Communi…
A comparative insight into Nicolae Ceauşescu’s strategies of power consolidation
Romania and the Six Day War
In June 1967, when the Soviet Union and its Warsaw Pact partners decided to break off diplomatic relations with Israel following the outbreak of the Six Day War, it came as a surprise to many that Romania refused to do the same. This paper investigates previously unpublished documents in order to retrace the decision-making process in Bucharest and offer a rational answer to the question: why did Romania choose to ignore Moscow's decision? Was it…
Nicolae Ceauşescu and the origins of Eurocommunism
After the Sino-Soviet dispute had considerably weakened Moscow’s supremacy in world communism, Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev was keen on restoring control and unity. But he soon discovered that his meaning of unity did not exactly coincide with what others had in mind. West European communists were striving to accommodate social principles to domestic conditions so, as to be able to accede to government. They advocated for each party’s right to m…
Fragile Equilibrium
How many powerful allies should a small country have? This was a question to which Nicolae Ceauşescu of Romania had a specific answer. Romania's policy of autonomy in the Soviet bloc was based on a delicate balance between Moscow and Beijing, as Romanians claimed that all Communist parties were equal and none had the right to question the others’ policy choices. Such a political course involved numerous risks for a Soviet satellite, and the Vietn…
A lost chance for Balkan cooperation? The Romanian view on ‘regional micro-détente’, 1969 — 75
The Soviet-American détente raised many concerns among small states that Cold War bipolarity could be consolidated and that the superpowers’ dialogue was just another form of excluding other countries from having a say in international affairs. In order to neutralise the effects of bipolarity, many European governments advocated in favour of a multilateral détente. This paper argues that a similar process occurred in Eastern Europe and analyses t…
Romania and the Third World during the heyday of the détente
All Warsaw Pact countries developed intense relations with Third World countries during the 1970s, following in Moscow’s footsteps, allegedly supporting the struggle against Western imperialism while making profitable arms deals. One Warsaw Pact country, though, saw things differently: it was both American and Soviet imperialism that had to be fought off. This paper reassesses the origins and nature of Romania’s Third World policy in the context …
Romania and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
Studie analyzuje, jak se v ťedesĂĄtĂ ̋ch letech minulĂŠho stoletĂ vyvĂjel postoj RumunskĂŠ socialistickĂŠ republiky k vyjednĂĄvĂĄnĂ multilaterĂĄlnĂ Smlouvy o neĹĄĂĹ enĂ jadernĂ ̋ch zbranĂ (Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons). TĂŠma je sledovĂĄno na pozadĂ tehdejĹĄĂho kurzu rumunskĂŠ zahraniÄ nĂ politiky a dlouhodobĂ ̋ch snah o omezenĂ (jadernĂŠho) zbrojenĂ. RumunskĂŠ komunistickĂŠ vedenĂ vÂ Ä ele s Gheorghem Gheor…
Romania and the Palestine Liberation Organization, 1972–1974
This article reassesses Nicolae Ceaușescu’s relations with Yasser Arafat and the Palestine Liberation Organization in the first years after their first contact in 1972. Romania pursued an active policy in the Middle East conflict from 1967 onwards, trying to help establish contacts and carry messages between the parties involved, motivated by its anti-hegemonic foreign policy which considered that the conflict was the product of superpower rivalr…
Romania, the CSCE and the legacy of World War II
La Unión Soviética consideró el proceso de la CSCE una oportunidad para resolver problemas que pendientes tras la Segunda Guerra Mundial; por ejemplo, el reconocimiento de sus fronteras occidentales como potencia victoriosa. Rumania también vio la conferencia como una oportunidad, pero en otro sentido: el de poner fin a un mundo de vencedores y perdedores, reemplazándolo por la igualdad de todos los Estados. El régimen de Bucarest entendía que el…
Political science (16 works) · Law (15 works) · Politics (14 works) · Law (12 works) · Political economy (12 works) · Sociology (11 works) · Communism (10 works) · Historical Geopolitical and Social Dynamics (10 works) · Economics (9 works) · Economic history (8 works)