Leif‐Eric Easley
Biographic Data
| ID | 5141850 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Leif‐Eric Easley |
| GIVEN NAMES | Leif‐Eric |
| FAMILY NAME | Easley |
| SIGNATURE | EASLEY L E |
| AFFILIATIONS | Ewha Womans University |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-3950-0411 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 13 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 53 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 13 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2012 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2024 |
| H-INDEX | 5 |
Enabling Pariahs
China’s economic size and authoritarian system allow it to “enable” pariah states’ violations of international norms in Myanmar (genocide and military coup), North Korea (nuclear missile development), and Russia (unprovoked invasion of a neighboring state). The Xi Jinping leadership not only advances national interests—involving trade, investment, energy supplies, and strategic access—but also aims to counter perceived threats to and constraints …
Korean NGOs and Reconciliation with Japan
Strained South Korea–Japan ties are frequently attributed to the use and abuse of history by national leaders. This article considers a more bottom-up explanation by examining how Korean civil society is taking three different pathways to exert influence on bilateral relations. First, non-governmental organizations are expanding domestic and international awareness of grievances regarding Japan's 1910–1945 colonization of the Korean Peninsula. Se…
Mobilizing patriotic consumers
This article develops the concept of ‘patriotic consumer mobilization’ to explain how China uses informal boycotts as economic coercion. Patriotic consumer mobilization employs citizens as the unit of action, facilitating manipulability, uncertainty, and plausible deniability. It manages public sentiment for domestic legitimacy and foreign policy goals. Citizens are mobilized via propaganda that underscores national humiliation, frames boycotts a…
Stabilizing Japan–Korea relations
By the time Prime Minister Abe Shinzo and President Park Geun-hye took office, Japan-South Korea relations were already experiencing a downturn over history issues and Lee Myung-bak’s unprecedented presidential visit to the disputed islets of Dokdo/Takeshima. Park’s refusal to hold a bilateral summit became the symbol of strained ties. Then on November 2, 2015 — 980 days after taking office — Park met Abe for bilateral talks in Seoul. On December…
The Neglected North Korean Crisis
North Korea references gender equality in its socialist constitution, but the de facto social and legal circumstances that women face in the country are far below the de jure status they are purported to enjoy. North Korean women endure extremely low public health standards and pervasive harassment. Yet their growing market power and social influence are underestimated. Women account for the majority of North Korean border crossers, and their inf…
New North‐Southeast Asia Security Links
Renegotiating pariah state partnerships
Pariah status for violating international norms over decades increased Myanmar and North Korea’s dependence on China. Myanmar’s post-2010 reforms sought to reduce international sanctions and diversify diplomatic relations. North Korea pursued a diplomatic offensive after the 2018 Winter Olympics, but only after declaring itself a nuclear state. Why, despite both states’ politically unsustainable dependence on China, did Myanmar and North Korea pu…
South Korea’s mismatched diplomacy in Asia
China’s norms in its near abroad
China’s tough response to North Korea’s first nuclear test in 2006 raised expectations in the US, South Korea and Japan that Beijing might align its North Korea policy with the international community. Similar expectations were raised (and unmet) following North Korea’s second nuclear test in 2009, the Cheonan sinking and Yeonpyeong Island shelling in 2010, a third nuclear test in 2013, numerous missile tests and military provocations in 2014–201…
How proactive? How pacifist? Charting Japan’s evolving defence posture
After 60 years maintaining Self-Defense Forces rather than a normal military, Japan is moving towards exercising collective self-defence, long restricted by interpretations of its 1945 Peace Constitution. The merits of Prime Minister Abe Shinzo's ‘proactive pacifism’ are intensely debated by those welcoming greater international contributions from Japan and others suspicious of Japanese ‘remilitarisation’. A nation’s defence posture can theoretic…
Persuading Pariahs
Spying on Allies
Although some programmes crossed lines of propriety, US surveillance of partners did not constitute a breach of trust
Middle Power National Identity? S outh K orea and V ietnam in US – C hina Geopolitics
The middle powers literature often conflates role identity (national self‐conception) of middle power states with role performance (foreign policies), while neglecting E ast A sia as a region of hypothesis generation and testing. Empirical studies of middle powers tend to consider E uropean cases, C anada, A ustralia and S outh A frica, while research on contemporary E ast A sia international relations focuses on great powers or the development o…
Persuading Pariahs
How proactive? How pacifist? Charting Japan’s evolving defence posture
After 60 years maintaining Self-Defense Forces rather than a normal military, Japan is moving towards exercising collective self-defence, long restricted by interpretations of its 1945 Peace Constitution. The merits of Prime Minister Abe Shinzo's ‘proactive pacifism’ are intensely debated by those welcoming greater international contributions from Japan and others suspicious of Japanese ‘remilitarisation’. A nation’s defence posture can theoretic…
China’s norms in its near abroad
China’s tough response to North Korea’s first nuclear test in 2006 raised expectations in the US, South Korea and Japan that Beijing might align its North Korea policy with the international community. Similar expectations were raised (and unmet) following North Korea’s second nuclear test in 2009, the Cheonan sinking and Yeonpyeong Island shelling in 2010, a third nuclear test in 2013, numerous missile tests and military provocations in 2014–201…
Middle Power National Identity? S outh K orea and V ietnam in US – C hina Geopolitics
The middle powers literature often conflates role identity (national self‐conception) of middle power states with role performance (foreign policies), while neglecting E ast A sia as a region of hypothesis generation and testing. Empirical studies of middle powers tend to consider E uropean cases, C anada, A ustralia and S outh A frica, while research on contemporary E ast A sia international relations focuses on great powers or the development o…
South Korea’s mismatched diplomacy in Asia
Stabilizing Japan–Korea relations
By the time Prime Minister Abe Shinzo and President Park Geun-hye took office, Japan-South Korea relations were already experiencing a downturn over history issues and Lee Myung-bak’s unprecedented presidential visit to the disputed islets of Dokdo/Takeshima. Park’s refusal to hold a bilateral summit became the symbol of strained ties. Then on November 2, 2015 — 980 days after taking office — Park met Abe for bilateral talks in Seoul. On December…
The Neglected North Korean Crisis
North Korea references gender equality in its socialist constitution, but the de facto social and legal circumstances that women face in the country are far below the de jure status they are purported to enjoy. North Korean women endure extremely low public health standards and pervasive harassment. Yet their growing market power and social influence are underestimated. Women account for the majority of North Korean border crossers, and their inf…
Renegotiating pariah state partnerships
Pariah status for violating international norms over decades increased Myanmar and North Korea’s dependence on China. Myanmar’s post-2010 reforms sought to reduce international sanctions and diversify diplomatic relations. North Korea pursued a diplomatic offensive after the 2018 Winter Olympics, but only after declaring itself a nuclear state. Why, despite both states’ politically unsustainable dependence on China, did Myanmar and North Korea pu…
Enabling Pariahs
China’s economic size and authoritarian system allow it to “enable” pariah states’ violations of international norms in Myanmar (genocide and military coup), North Korea (nuclear missile development), and Russia (unprovoked invasion of a neighboring state). The Xi Jinping leadership not only advances national interests—involving trade, investment, energy supplies, and strategic access—but also aims to counter perceived threats to and constraints …
Korean NGOs and Reconciliation with Japan
Strained South Korea–Japan ties are frequently attributed to the use and abuse of history by national leaders. This article considers a more bottom-up explanation by examining how Korean civil society is taking three different pathways to exert influence on bilateral relations. First, non-governmental organizations are expanding domestic and international awareness of grievances regarding Japan's 1910–1945 colonization of the Korean Peninsula. Se…
Mobilizing patriotic consumers
This article develops the concept of ‘patriotic consumer mobilization’ to explain how China uses informal boycotts as economic coercion. Patriotic consumer mobilization employs citizens as the unit of action, facilitating manipulability, uncertainty, and plausible deniability. It manages public sentiment for domestic legitimacy and foreign policy goals. Citizens are mobilized via propaganda that underscores national humiliation, frames boycotts a…
Spying on Allies
Although some programmes crossed lines of propriety, US surveillance of partners did not constitute a breach of trust
Middle Power National Identity? S outh K orea and V ietnam in US – C hina Geopolitics
The middle powers literature often conflates role identity (national self‐conception) of middle power states with role performance (foreign policies), while neglecting E ast A sia as a region of hypothesis generation and testing. Empirical studies of middle powers tend to consider E uropean cases, C anada, A ustralia and S outh A frica, while research on contemporary E ast A sia international relations focuses on great powers or the development o…
Spying on Allies
Although some programmes crossed lines of propriety, US surveillance of partners did not constitute a breach of trust
China’s norms in its near abroad
China’s tough response to North Korea’s first nuclear test in 2006 raised expectations in the US, South Korea and Japan that Beijing might align its North Korea policy with the international community. Similar expectations were raised (and unmet) following North Korea’s second nuclear test in 2009, the Cheonan sinking and Yeonpyeong Island shelling in 2010, a third nuclear test in 2013, numerous missile tests and military provocations in 2014–201…
How proactive? How pacifist? Charting Japan’s evolving defence posture
After 60 years maintaining Self-Defense Forces rather than a normal military, Japan is moving towards exercising collective self-defence, long restricted by interpretations of its 1945 Peace Constitution. The merits of Prime Minister Abe Shinzo's ‘proactive pacifism’ are intensely debated by those welcoming greater international contributions from Japan and others suspicious of Japanese ‘remilitarisation’. A nation’s defence posture can theoretic…
Persuading Pariahs
South Korea’s mismatched diplomacy in Asia
New North‐Southeast Asia Security Links
Renegotiating pariah state partnerships
Pariah status for violating international norms over decades increased Myanmar and North Korea’s dependence on China. Myanmar’s post-2010 reforms sought to reduce international sanctions and diversify diplomatic relations. North Korea pursued a diplomatic offensive after the 2018 Winter Olympics, but only after declaring itself a nuclear state. Why, despite both states’ politically unsustainable dependence on China, did Myanmar and North Korea pu…
The Neglected North Korean Crisis
North Korea references gender equality in its socialist constitution, but the de facto social and legal circumstances that women face in the country are far below the de jure status they are purported to enjoy. North Korean women endure extremely low public health standards and pervasive harassment. Yet their growing market power and social influence are underestimated. Women account for the majority of North Korean border crossers, and their inf…
Stabilizing Japan–Korea relations
By the time Prime Minister Abe Shinzo and President Park Geun-hye took office, Japan-South Korea relations were already experiencing a downturn over history issues and Lee Myung-bak’s unprecedented presidential visit to the disputed islets of Dokdo/Takeshima. Park’s refusal to hold a bilateral summit became the symbol of strained ties. Then on November 2, 2015 — 980 days after taking office — Park met Abe for bilateral talks in Seoul. On December…
Korean NGOs and Reconciliation with Japan
Strained South Korea–Japan ties are frequently attributed to the use and abuse of history by national leaders. This article considers a more bottom-up explanation by examining how Korean civil society is taking three different pathways to exert influence on bilateral relations. First, non-governmental organizations are expanding domestic and international awareness of grievances regarding Japan's 1910–1945 colonization of the Korean Peninsula. Se…
Mobilizing patriotic consumers
This article develops the concept of ‘patriotic consumer mobilization’ to explain how China uses informal boycotts as economic coercion. Patriotic consumer mobilization employs citizens as the unit of action, facilitating manipulability, uncertainty, and plausible deniability. It manages public sentiment for domestic legitimacy and foreign policy goals. Citizens are mobilized via propaganda that underscores national humiliation, frames boycotts a…
Enabling Pariahs
China’s economic size and authoritarian system allow it to “enable” pariah states’ violations of international norms in Myanmar (genocide and military coup), North Korea (nuclear missile development), and Russia (unprovoked invasion of a neighboring state). The Xi Jinping leadership not only advances national interests—involving trade, investment, energy supplies, and strategic access—but also aims to counter perceived threats to and constraints …
Political science (13 works) · Law (12 works) · Law (11 works) · Politics (9 works) · Sociology (9 works) · Political economy (8 works) · Economics (7 works) · Korean Peninsula Historical and Political Studies (7 works) · China (5 works) · Development economics (4 works)