K T Morris
Biographic Data
| ID | 58187 |
|---|---|
| NAME | K T Morris |
| GIVEN NAMES | K T |
| FAMILY NAME | Morris |
| SIGNATURE | MORRIS K T |
| AFFILIATIONS | Brennan Center for Justice |
| ORCID | 0000-0001-7725-6723 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 15 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 78 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 15 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2021 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2025 |
| H-INDEX | 6 |
Between Withdrawal and Engagement: Disentangling the Effects of Covid-19 on Turnout
This project marks the first test of the household-level turnout effects of living with someone who died from COVID-19. Drawing on policy feedback and threat literatures, I argue that the theoretical effects of close COVID contact are unclear. I link death records with the registered voter file to identity Americans who lived with a decedent, leveraging a triple-differences design to distinguish the effect of household COVID deaths on turnout fro…
The Disparate and Durable Effects of Mail Voting Restrictions: Evidence from Texas
Did Shelby County v. Holder Increase the Racial Turnout Gap
Crossover Voting Rates in Partisan and Nonpartisan Elections: Evidence From Cast Vote Records
We provide the first examination of the extent to which voters cast ballots for copartisan candidates in nonpartisan elections using cast vote record (CVR) data. These records permit direct observation of whether demonstrably partisan voters vote for copartisan candidates at the same rate in partisan and nonpartisan local elections. We find that voters classified as partisan based on their vote choices in federal/state elections cast ballots for …
On Fertile Ground: How Racial Resentment Primes White Americans To Believe Fraud Accusations
Contested Killings: The Mobilizing Effects of Community Contact with Police Violence
Recently, we have witnessed the politicizing effects of police killings in the United States. This project asks how such killings might (de)mobilize voters at the local level. We draw on multiple theoretical approaches to develop a theory of community contact with the police. We argue that when a highly visible event tied to government actions occurs-like a police killing-it can spur turnout. This is especially true where public narratives tie su…
Linking Geographically Mediated Racial Threat and Racial Resentment
In recent years, the utility of the racial resentment scale for measuring specifically racialized attitudes of white Americans has come into question. This visualization shows that despite these critiques, racial resentment is highest in precisely the parts of the country where geographically mediated threat is most salient: the whitest parts of the least white states. This link between threat and resentment provides a helpful way to think about …
A Right Restricted: Racial Threat and the Sponsorship of Restrictive Voting Laws
In the aftermath of the United States’ 2020 presidential election, state legislatures have introduced and passed an unprecedented number of restrictive voting bills. While past research has looked at the state -level drivers of restrictive voting legislation, this project explores what factors predict which legislators within states push for these laws. Specifically, I ask whether district-level characteristics predict when lawmakers use bill spo…
Ticketing and Turnout: The Participatory Consequences of Low-Level Police Contact
The American criminal legal system is an important site of political socialization: scholars have shown that criminal legal contact reduces turnout and that criminalization pushes people away from public institutions more broadly. Despite this burgeoning literature, few analyses directly investigate the causal effect of lower-level police contact on voter turnout. To do so, we leverage individual-level administrative ticketing data from Hillsboro…
What’s Wrong With Nonreductive Physicalism? The Exclusion Problem Reconsidered
Jaegwon Kim argued that nonreductive physicalism faces the “exclusion problem” for higher- level causation, mental causation in particular. Roughly, the charge is that given the presumptive ubiquity of physical causation, there cannot be irreducible mental causes for physical effects. Since there are mental causes, Kim concluded that nonreductive physicalism should be rejected in favor of a more reductionist alternative according to which mental …
Authority after the Tempest: Hurricane Michael and the 2018 Elections
Hurricane Michael made landfall in the Florida panhandle 27 days before the 2018 elections. In the aftermath the governor issued Executive Order 18-283, allowing election officials in eight affected counties to loosen a variety of voting laws and consolidate polling places but providing no emergency funding to maintain the planned number of polling places. We test the efficacy of the order, using a novel research design that separates the weather…
Voting in a Pandemic: Covid-19 and Primary Turnout in Milwaukee, Wisconsin
We report the first study of the effect of the novel coronavirus SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19) on polling place consolidation and voting behavior. We draw upon individual-level observations from Milwaukee matched to similar observations in the surrounding municipalities to assess whether fewer polling places in the April 2020 presidential primary election decreased turnout in the city. We find polling place consolidation reduced overall turnout by about …
Welcome Home—Now Vote! Voting Rights Restoration and Postsupervision Participation
Objective Past research demonstrates that formerly incarcerated individuals turn out at very low rates. Executive Order 181 in New York State allows us to test whether restoring voting rights at an in‐person meeting while an individual is still on parole can increase their postsupervision registration and turnout. Methods By linking administrative parole records with the registered voter file I estimate individual‐level turnout. I use an interrup…
Neighborhoods and Felony Disenfranchisement: The Case of New York City
Over the past two decades, scholars have sought to estimate the direct and indirect effects of felony disenfranchisement on political representation. This literature, however, has often overlooked both the geographic concentration of communities impacted by overincarceration and the low propensity to vote exhibited by individuals convicted of felony crimes. In this article, I redefine “lost voters” as disenfranchised individuals with a history of…
Turnout and Amendment Four: Mobilizing Eligible Voters Close to Formerly Incarcerated Floridians
Recent scholarship shows that eligible voters in neighborhoods home to many arrested and incarcerated individuals vote at lower rates than those in less-affected neighborhoods. Little work, however, has investigated how this turnout gap might be counteracted. This paper uses Amendment Four, a 2018 Florida ballot initiative that promised to re-enfranchise most individuals whose voting rights had been revoked due to a felony conviction to investiga…
Contested Killings: The Mobilizing Effects of Community Contact with Police Violence
Recently, we have witnessed the politicizing effects of police killings in the United States. This project asks how such killings might (de)mobilize voters at the local level. We draw on multiple theoretical approaches to develop a theory of community contact with the police. We argue that when a highly visible event tied to government actions occurs-like a police killing-it can spur turnout. This is especially true where public narratives tie su…
Voting in a Pandemic: Covid-19 and Primary Turnout in Milwaukee, Wisconsin
We report the first study of the effect of the novel coronavirus SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19) on polling place consolidation and voting behavior. We draw upon individual-level observations from Milwaukee matched to similar observations in the surrounding municipalities to assess whether fewer polling places in the April 2020 presidential primary election decreased turnout in the city. We find polling place consolidation reduced overall turnout by about …
Ticketing and Turnout: The Participatory Consequences of Low-Level Police Contact
The American criminal legal system is an important site of political socialization: scholars have shown that criminal legal contact reduces turnout and that criminalization pushes people away from public institutions more broadly. Despite this burgeoning literature, few analyses directly investigate the causal effect of lower-level police contact on voter turnout. To do so, we leverage individual-level administrative ticketing data from Hillsboro…
Turnout and Amendment Four: Mobilizing Eligible Voters Close to Formerly Incarcerated Floridians
Recent scholarship shows that eligible voters in neighborhoods home to many arrested and incarcerated individuals vote at lower rates than those in less-affected neighborhoods. Little work, however, has investigated how this turnout gap might be counteracted. This paper uses Amendment Four, a 2018 Florida ballot initiative that promised to re-enfranchise most individuals whose voting rights had been revoked due to a felony conviction to investiga…
Neighborhoods and Felony Disenfranchisement: The Case of New York City
Over the past two decades, scholars have sought to estimate the direct and indirect effects of felony disenfranchisement on political representation. This literature, however, has often overlooked both the geographic concentration of communities impacted by overincarceration and the low propensity to vote exhibited by individuals convicted of felony crimes. In this article, I redefine “lost voters” as disenfranchised individuals with a history of…
Welcome Home—Now Vote! Voting Rights Restoration and Postsupervision Participation
Objective Past research demonstrates that formerly incarcerated individuals turn out at very low rates. Executive Order 181 in New York State allows us to test whether restoring voting rights at an in‐person meeting while an individual is still on parole can increase their postsupervision registration and turnout. Methods By linking administrative parole records with the registered voter file I estimate individual‐level turnout. I use an interrup…
Linking Geographically Mediated Racial Threat and Racial Resentment
In recent years, the utility of the racial resentment scale for measuring specifically racialized attitudes of white Americans has come into question. This visualization shows that despite these critiques, racial resentment is highest in precisely the parts of the country where geographically mediated threat is most salient: the whitest parts of the least white states. This link between threat and resentment provides a helpful way to think about …
On Fertile Ground: How Racial Resentment Primes White Americans To Believe Fraud Accusations
Crossover Voting Rates in Partisan and Nonpartisan Elections: Evidence From Cast Vote Records
We provide the first examination of the extent to which voters cast ballots for copartisan candidates in nonpartisan elections using cast vote record (CVR) data. These records permit direct observation of whether demonstrably partisan voters vote for copartisan candidates at the same rate in partisan and nonpartisan local elections. We find that voters classified as partisan based on their vote choices in federal/state elections cast ballots for …
Welcome Home—Now Vote! Voting Rights Restoration and Postsupervision Participation
Objective Past research demonstrates that formerly incarcerated individuals turn out at very low rates. Executive Order 181 in New York State allows us to test whether restoring voting rights at an in‐person meeting while an individual is still on parole can increase their postsupervision registration and turnout. Methods By linking administrative parole records with the registered voter file I estimate individual‐level turnout. I use an interrup…
Neighborhoods and Felony Disenfranchisement: The Case of New York City
Over the past two decades, scholars have sought to estimate the direct and indirect effects of felony disenfranchisement on political representation. This literature, however, has often overlooked both the geographic concentration of communities impacted by overincarceration and the low propensity to vote exhibited by individuals convicted of felony crimes. In this article, I redefine “lost voters” as disenfranchised individuals with a history of…
Turnout and Amendment Four: Mobilizing Eligible Voters Close to Formerly Incarcerated Floridians
Recent scholarship shows that eligible voters in neighborhoods home to many arrested and incarcerated individuals vote at lower rates than those in less-affected neighborhoods. Little work, however, has investigated how this turnout gap might be counteracted. This paper uses Amendment Four, a 2018 Florida ballot initiative that promised to re-enfranchise most individuals whose voting rights had been revoked due to a felony conviction to investiga…
What’s Wrong With Nonreductive Physicalism? The Exclusion Problem Reconsidered
Jaegwon Kim argued that nonreductive physicalism faces the “exclusion problem” for higher- level causation, mental causation in particular. Roughly, the charge is that given the presumptive ubiquity of physical causation, there cannot be irreducible mental causes for physical effects. Since there are mental causes, Kim concluded that nonreductive physicalism should be rejected in favor of a more reductionist alternative according to which mental …
Authority after the Tempest: Hurricane Michael and the 2018 Elections
Hurricane Michael made landfall in the Florida panhandle 27 days before the 2018 elections. In the aftermath the governor issued Executive Order 18-283, allowing election officials in eight affected counties to loosen a variety of voting laws and consolidate polling places but providing no emergency funding to maintain the planned number of polling places. We test the efficacy of the order, using a novel research design that separates the weather…
Voting in a Pandemic: Covid-19 and Primary Turnout in Milwaukee, Wisconsin
We report the first study of the effect of the novel coronavirus SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19) on polling place consolidation and voting behavior. We draw upon individual-level observations from Milwaukee matched to similar observations in the surrounding municipalities to assess whether fewer polling places in the April 2020 presidential primary election decreased turnout in the city. We find polling place consolidation reduced overall turnout by about …
A Right Restricted: Racial Threat and the Sponsorship of Restrictive Voting Laws
In the aftermath of the United States’ 2020 presidential election, state legislatures have introduced and passed an unprecedented number of restrictive voting bills. While past research has looked at the state -level drivers of restrictive voting legislation, this project explores what factors predict which legislators within states push for these laws. Specifically, I ask whether district-level characteristics predict when lawmakers use bill spo…
Ticketing and Turnout: The Participatory Consequences of Low-Level Police Contact
The American criminal legal system is an important site of political socialization: scholars have shown that criminal legal contact reduces turnout and that criminalization pushes people away from public institutions more broadly. Despite this burgeoning literature, few analyses directly investigate the causal effect of lower-level police contact on voter turnout. To do so, we leverage individual-level administrative ticketing data from Hillsboro…
Contested Killings: The Mobilizing Effects of Community Contact with Police Violence
Recently, we have witnessed the politicizing effects of police killings in the United States. This project asks how such killings might (de)mobilize voters at the local level. We draw on multiple theoretical approaches to develop a theory of community contact with the police. We argue that when a highly visible event tied to government actions occurs-like a police killing-it can spur turnout. This is especially true where public narratives tie su…
Linking Geographically Mediated Racial Threat and Racial Resentment
In recent years, the utility of the racial resentment scale for measuring specifically racialized attitudes of white Americans has come into question. This visualization shows that despite these critiques, racial resentment is highest in precisely the parts of the country where geographically mediated threat is most salient: the whitest parts of the least white states. This link between threat and resentment provides a helpful way to think about …
Between Withdrawal and Engagement: Disentangling the Effects of Covid-19 on Turnout
This project marks the first test of the household-level turnout effects of living with someone who died from COVID-19. Drawing on policy feedback and threat literatures, I argue that the theoretical effects of close COVID contact are unclear. I link death records with the registered voter file to identity Americans who lived with a decedent, leveraging a triple-differences design to distinguish the effect of household COVID deaths on turnout fro…
The Disparate and Durable Effects of Mail Voting Restrictions: Evidence from Texas
Did Shelby County v. Holder Increase the Racial Turnout Gap
Crossover Voting Rates in Partisan and Nonpartisan Elections: Evidence From Cast Vote Records
We provide the first examination of the extent to which voters cast ballots for copartisan candidates in nonpartisan elections using cast vote record (CVR) data. These records permit direct observation of whether demonstrably partisan voters vote for copartisan candidates at the same rate in partisan and nonpartisan local elections. We find that voters classified as partisan based on their vote choices in federal/state elections cast ballots for …
On Fertile Ground: How Racial Resentment Primes White Americans To Believe Fraud Accusations
Political science (13 works) · Politics (13 works) · Law (12 works) · Law (10 works) · Voting (9 works) · Turnout (8 works) · Economics (7 works) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (7 works) · Public Administration (7 works) · Sociology (7 works)