Andrew Lamont
Biographic Data
| ID | 5858720 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Andrew Lamont |
| GIVEN NAMES | Andrew |
| FAMILY NAME | Lamont |
| SIGNATURE | LAMONT A |
| AFFILIATIONS | University College London |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-8395-2212 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 10 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 0 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 10 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2016 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 0 |
Poko postlexical tone requires serial, directional evaluation
Poko (Skou, Papua New Guinea) displays a complex tone system, with three contrastive levels, toneless syllables and floating tones. Lexical tone is characterised by robust patterns of anti-alignment, wherein high (H) tones may not be initial and low (L) tones may not be final (McPherson & Dryer 2021; McPherson 2022). This article analyses the postlexical realisation of tone, especially the behaviour of floating tones, rising tones and toneless sy…
Type and token frequency jointly drive learning of morphology
Shift is derived
Shift is an input–output mapping where a feature or autosegment loses its underlying associations and surfaces with different associations. In Harmonic Serialism, shift can either be analyzed as a multi-step process or a single-step process. While Gietz et al. (2023) argue for the latter, this paper refutes their arguments and provides evidence supporting a multi-step analysis of shift. Specifically, it demonstrates that shift in Kibondei and Hal…
Serial Reduplication Is Empirically Adequate and Typologically Restrictive
Wei and Walker (2020) and Zymet (2018) claim that derivational lookahead effects are attested in the interactions between reduplication and other phonological processes in Mbe and Logoori, respectively. On the basis of this evidence, they argue that reduplication in these languages cannot be modeled by Serial Template Satisfaction (McCarthy, Kimper, and Mullin 2012), a theory of reduplication set in Harmonic Serialism. This article refutes these …
A restrictive, parsimonious theory of footing in directional Harmonic Serialism
This paper develops a theory of footing in Harmonic Serialism (HS; Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004; McCarthy 2000, 2016) where Con contains only directionally evaluated constraints (Eisner 2000, 2002; Lamont 2019, 2022 a , 2022 b ). Directional constraints harmonically order candidates by the location of violations rather than the total number of violations. A central result of adopting directional evaluation is that the constraint Parse ( $\sigma$ …
Optimality Theory implements complex functions with simple constraints
While attested phonological mappings appear to be regular, Optimality Theory is known to implement more complex functions. This squib contributes to the computational characterisation of Optimality Theory by constructing a grammar that implements a non-pushdown function. By using only simple, familiar constraints, the result suggests that a large proportion of optimality-theoretic grammars are more powerful than necessary as models of phonology
Directional Constraint Evaluation Solves the Problem of Ties in Harmonic Serialism
This squib examines the problem of tied candidates in Harmonic Serialism and presents directional constraint evaluation as a solution. Under standard evaluation, constraints report how many loci of violation a candidate contains and, as a result, cannot differentiate two candidates with equal numbers of violations. Under directional evaluation, constraints report where loci of violation occur and are thus able to distinguish candidates with disti…
Majority Rule in Harmonic Serialism
Majority Rule is an unattested process where agreement is controlled by the largest class in the input. As a function from inputs to outputs, Majority Rule requires more computational expressivity than do attested phonological transformations. This paper examines how Majority Rule arises in parallel Optimality Theory and Harmonic Serialism. It is shown that in HS, Majority Rule relies on globally evaluated output constraints, which are known to p…
Drawing the krtań
Polish exhibits the cross-linguistically common processes of final devoicing and voice assimilation. Notably, these target not only obstruents and obstruent clusters, but also certain obstruent-sonorant clusters. This paper argues for an analysis in Harmonic Serialism where sonorants acquire laryngeal nodes, thereby becoming susceptible to the same constraints that act on obstruents. There is an asymmetry between OS#O clusters, which show assimil…
Directionality and the Coda Condition
[Abstract not available]
No prominent works on this page.
Directionality and the Coda Condition
[Abstract not available]
Drawing the krtań
Polish exhibits the cross-linguistically common processes of final devoicing and voice assimilation. Notably, these target not only obstruents and obstruent clusters, but also certain obstruent-sonorant clusters. This paper argues for an analysis in Harmonic Serialism where sonorants acquire laryngeal nodes, thereby becoming susceptible to the same constraints that act on obstruents. There is an asymmetry between OS#O clusters, which show assimil…
Majority Rule in Harmonic Serialism
Majority Rule is an unattested process where agreement is controlled by the largest class in the input. As a function from inputs to outputs, Majority Rule requires more computational expressivity than do attested phonological transformations. This paper examines how Majority Rule arises in parallel Optimality Theory and Harmonic Serialism. It is shown that in HS, Majority Rule relies on globally evaluated output constraints, which are known to p…
Optimality Theory implements complex functions with simple constraints
While attested phonological mappings appear to be regular, Optimality Theory is known to implement more complex functions. This squib contributes to the computational characterisation of Optimality Theory by constructing a grammar that implements a non-pushdown function. By using only simple, familiar constraints, the result suggests that a large proportion of optimality-theoretic grammars are more powerful than necessary as models of phonology
Directional Constraint Evaluation Solves the Problem of Ties in Harmonic Serialism
This squib examines the problem of tied candidates in Harmonic Serialism and presents directional constraint evaluation as a solution. Under standard evaluation, constraints report how many loci of violation a candidate contains and, as a result, cannot differentiate two candidates with equal numbers of violations. Under directional evaluation, constraints report where loci of violation occur and are thus able to distinguish candidates with disti…
A restrictive, parsimonious theory of footing in directional Harmonic Serialism
This paper develops a theory of footing in Harmonic Serialism (HS; Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004; McCarthy 2000, 2016) where Con contains only directionally evaluated constraints (Eisner 2000, 2002; Lamont 2019, 2022 a , 2022 b ). Directional constraints harmonically order candidates by the location of violations rather than the total number of violations. A central result of adopting directional evaluation is that the constraint Parse ( $\sigma$ …
Serial Reduplication Is Empirically Adequate and Typologically Restrictive
Wei and Walker (2020) and Zymet (2018) claim that derivational lookahead effects are attested in the interactions between reduplication and other phonological processes in Mbe and Logoori, respectively. On the basis of this evidence, they argue that reduplication in these languages cannot be modeled by Serial Template Satisfaction (McCarthy, Kimper, and Mullin 2012), a theory of reduplication set in Harmonic Serialism. This article refutes these …
Shift is derived
Shift is an input–output mapping where a feature or autosegment loses its underlying associations and surfaces with different associations. In Harmonic Serialism, shift can either be analyzed as a multi-step process or a single-step process. While Gietz et al. (2023) argue for the latter, this paper refutes their arguments and provides evidence supporting a multi-step analysis of shift. Specifically, it demonstrates that shift in Kibondei and Hal…
Type and token frequency jointly drive learning of morphology
Poko postlexical tone requires serial, directional evaluation
Poko (Skou, Papua New Guinea) displays a complex tone system, with three contrastive levels, toneless syllables and floating tones. Lexical tone is characterised by robust patterns of anti-alignment, wherein high (H) tones may not be initial and low (L) tones may not be final (McPherson & Dryer 2021; McPherson 2022). This article analyses the postlexical realisation of tone, especially the behaviour of floating tones, rising tones and toneless sy…
Phonetics and Phonology Research (9 works) · Computer Science (7 works) · Linguistics (7 works) · Optimality theory (7 works) · Mathematics (6 works) · Philosophy (6 works) · Phonology (6 works) · Natural Language Processing Techniques (5 works) · Geometry (4 works) · Harmonic (4 works)