Alexander Wimmer
Biographic Data
| ID | 6223014 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Alexander Wimmer |
| GIVEN NAMES | Alexander |
| FAMILY NAME | Wimmer |
| SIGNATURE | WIMMER A |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Stuttgart |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-5128-1936 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 3 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 0 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 3 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2022 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 0 |
Bouletic concord
Mandarin bie is a preverbal negator that prototypically comes with prohibitive force, i.e., [ bie Q!] ≈ ‘don’t Q!’. This interpretive effect is subject to change (Yip 2016, Liao and Wang 2022a): for one thing, bie may receive an optative reading, in which case [x bie Q!] translates into ‘may x not Q!’ For another, it may take part in bouletic concord under desire predicates like xiwang ‘hope’: in a sentence of the form [x xiwang [ bie p]], bie me…
X- vs. O-marked want
X-marked want is identified by von Fintel & Iatridou (2023) (vF&I) as one of the crosslinguistic challenges for what they call X-marking, the kind of morphology traditionally referred to as ‘subjunctive’ or ‘counterfactual’. This paper’s main goal is to spell out vF&I’s idea that X-marking on want reflects a widening of want’s quantificational domain, thereby doing the same job as it does in conditionals under an influential view originating with…
Zhi-{Yao, You} ‘Only-{Need, Have}’
This paper offers a compositional take on two internally complex conditional connectives in Mandarin, zhi-yao ‘only-need’ and zhi-you ‘only-have’. While the former conveys the antecedent proposition’s minimal sufficiency , the latter conveys its necessity for the consequent proposition to come true. Both connectives will be treated as pairing an exclusive particle, zhi , with a modal, an assumption that is less controversial for the necessity mod…
No prominent works on this page.
Zhi-{Yao, You} ‘Only-{Need, Have}’
This paper offers a compositional take on two internally complex conditional connectives in Mandarin, zhi-yao ‘only-need’ and zhi-you ‘only-have’. While the former conveys the antecedent proposition’s minimal sufficiency , the latter conveys its necessity for the consequent proposition to come true. Both connectives will be treated as pairing an exclusive particle, zhi , with a modal, an assumption that is less controversial for the necessity mod…
X- vs. O-marked want
X-marked want is identified by von Fintel & Iatridou (2023) (vF&I) as one of the crosslinguistic challenges for what they call X-marking, the kind of morphology traditionally referred to as ‘subjunctive’ or ‘counterfactual’. This paper’s main goal is to spell out vF&I’s idea that X-marking on want reflects a widening of want’s quantificational domain, thereby doing the same job as it does in conditionals under an influential view originating with…
Bouletic concord
Mandarin bie is a preverbal negator that prototypically comes with prohibitive force, i.e., [ bie Q!] ≈ ‘don’t Q!’. This interpretive effect is subject to change (Yip 2016, Liao and Wang 2022a): for one thing, bie may receive an optative reading, in which case [x bie Q!] translates into ‘may x not Q!’ For another, it may take part in bouletic concord under desire predicates like xiwang ‘hope’: in a sentence of the form [x xiwang [ bie p]], bie me…
Mandarin Chinese (2 works) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (2 works) · Advanced Algebra and Logic (1 work) · Computer Science (1 work) · Language, Discourse, Communication Strategies (1 work) · Linguistics (1 work) · Logic, Reasoning, and Knowledge (1 work) · Mathematics (1 work) · Modal (1 work) · Natural Language Processing Techniques (1 work)