Laura Stigliano
Biographic Data
| ID | 6223157 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Laura Stigliano |
| GIVEN NAMES | Laura |
| FAMILY NAME | Stigliano |
| SIGNATURE | STIGLIANO L |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Chicago |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-1280-8344 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 7 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 2 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 7 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2020 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2023 |
| H-INDEX | 1 |
Unveiling Topic-Remnant Elided Polar Questions
This paper offers an in-depth analysis of a novel elliptical construction Spanish, dubbed Topic-Remnant Elided Polar Questions (or polar TREQs in short). A detailed examination of polar TREQs will provide evidence for the claim that (a) they are a type of TP-Ellipsis, triggered by the presence of an [E]-feature on C, and (b) the remnant is a topicalized XP that undergoes movement out of the ellipsis site. Furthermore, the analysis of polar TREQs …
Experimentally testing the interpretation of multiple sluicing and multiple questions in Hungarian
Hungarian multiple sluicing has been claimed to only be allowed in contexts that set up a pair-list, but not a single-pair reading. This has been taken as evidence that multiple sluicing is derived from multiple wh-fronting questions, which only license pair-list, but not single-pair answers. Providing novel experimental evidence, we show that all three relevant constructions in Hungarian – multiple sluicing, single wh-fronting questions, and mul…
P-omission in ellipsis in Spanish
Ellipsis requires syntactic and semantic identity. Evidence from Fragment Questions in Spanish
Based on novel data from an understudied type of ellipsis in Spanish-which I refer to as Fragment Questions-I argue for the need of both semantic and syntactic identity conditions to license ellipsis. In particular the TP is subject to syntactic identity, and the domain above that is subject to semantic identity. Fragment Questions are elliptical sentences interpreted as wh-questions. They have a follow-up meaning and, unlike other types of sente…
Licensing of nominal ellipsis in Hungarian possessives
We argue, based on novel data, that the possessor head (Poss) can license ellipsis of its complement in Hungarian. That is, contra existing claims in the literature, possessor morphology can survive nominal ellipsis and be stranded on the remnant. Adopting Saab & Lipták (2016)’s of ellipsis licensing, we propose that there is variation in the size of the ellipsis site in Hungarian: nominal ellipsis can be licensed by either Num or Poss. We furthe…
Experimental Evidence on Island Effects in Spanish Relative Clauses
Research on islands has been central to linguistic theory for more than 50 years. Its importance relies on the theoretical consequences islands posit for movement and long distance dependencies. In this paper we aim to explore the contrast between a variety of islands in Spanish relative clauses to reveal whether there is any gradience in the strength of the island effects. In order to tease apart fine-grained contrasts we run an acceptability ju…
Adjectival sluices in Hungarian
Adjectival sluices in Hungarian
Ellipsis requires syntactic and semantic identity. Evidence from Fragment Questions in Spanish
Based on novel data from an understudied type of ellipsis in Spanish-which I refer to as Fragment Questions-I argue for the need of both semantic and syntactic identity conditions to license ellipsis. In particular the TP is subject to syntactic identity, and the domain above that is subject to semantic identity. Fragment Questions are elliptical sentences interpreted as wh-questions. They have a follow-up meaning and, unlike other types of sente…
Licensing of nominal ellipsis in Hungarian possessives
We argue, based on novel data, that the possessor head (Poss) can license ellipsis of its complement in Hungarian. That is, contra existing claims in the literature, possessor morphology can survive nominal ellipsis and be stranded on the remnant. Adopting Saab & Lipták (2016)’s of ellipsis licensing, we propose that there is variation in the size of the ellipsis site in Hungarian: nominal ellipsis can be licensed by either Num or Poss. We furthe…
Experimental Evidence on Island Effects in Spanish Relative Clauses
Research on islands has been central to linguistic theory for more than 50 years. Its importance relies on the theoretical consequences islands posit for movement and long distance dependencies. In this paper we aim to explore the contrast between a variety of islands in Spanish relative clauses to reveal whether there is any gradience in the strength of the island effects. In order to tease apart fine-grained contrasts we run an acceptability ju…
Experimentally testing the interpretation of multiple sluicing and multiple questions in Hungarian
Hungarian multiple sluicing has been claimed to only be allowed in contexts that set up a pair-list, but not a single-pair reading. This has been taken as evidence that multiple sluicing is derived from multiple wh-fronting questions, which only license pair-list, but not single-pair answers. Providing novel experimental evidence, we show that all three relevant constructions in Hungarian – multiple sluicing, single wh-fronting questions, and mul…
P-omission in ellipsis in Spanish
Unveiling Topic-Remnant Elided Polar Questions
This paper offers an in-depth analysis of a novel elliptical construction Spanish, dubbed Topic-Remnant Elided Polar Questions (or polar TREQs in short). A detailed examination of polar TREQs will provide evidence for the claim that (a) they are a type of TP-Ellipsis, triggered by the presence of an [E]-feature on C, and (b) the remnant is a topicalized XP that undergoes movement out of the ellipsis site. Furthermore, the analysis of polar TREQs …
Linguistics (7 works) · Philosophy (7 works) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (7 works) · Computer Science (6 works) · Natural Language Processing Techniques (5 works) · Artificial Intelligence (4 works) · Phonetics and Phonology Research (4 works) · Psychology (4 works) · Mathematics (3 works) · Syntax (3 works)