Elise Newman
Biographic Data
| ID | 6223161 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Elise Newman |
| GIVEN NAMES | Elise |
| FAMILY NAME | Newman |
| SIGNATURE | NEWMAN E |
| AFFILIATIONS | Department of Linguistics and English Language, University of Edinburgh, [email protected] |
| ORCID | 0000-0001-7154-6922 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 6 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 2 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 6 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2020 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 1 |
On Projection and the Shadow of [Wh]
Much work has shown that wh-movement is subject to several kinds of locality restrictions cross-linguistically. I propose that these restrictions arise when [wh] projects past the maximal projection that it came from. When this happens, it intervenes for wh-movement, trapping the wh-element in its base position, unless it can escape through other means. The need to escape the domain of [wh] is proposed to capture the distribution of successive-cy…
The order of operations and A/Ā interactions
Double object constructions provide an ideal context in which to investigate interactions between multiple instances of movement. With two internal arguments, we can construct scenarios where one A-moves and another Ā-moves, such as in the passive wh-question What was Sue given? Holmberg et al. (2019) observe that in many languages (e.g. Norwegian) that otherwise permit either object of a double object construction to A-move to subject position, …
Probing for the Closest DP
Branan and Erlewine (2022) argue for the existence of an Ā-probe that can only be satisfied if its goal is the closest DP. The motivation for such a probe comes from a series of relativization strategies in several languages that appear to only target the highest DP in the clause. In this reply, I argue that their data only motivate the existence of probes that attract the closest DP—their data fail canonical diagnostics for Ā-movement, suggestin…
On the interpretation of tense in temporal adverbial clauses
Tenses in English temporal adjunct clauses seem to show properties of both matrix and embedded tenses. On the one hand, they are often argued to be interpreted with respect to the time of utterance (Stump 1985; Arregui & Kusumoto 1998; Kubota et al. 2011). On the other hand, they are more constrained than matrix tenses, claimed to be limited to past tense when the matrix tense is past, and present when the matrix tense is future. I present eviden…
Facilitator effects in middles and more
In this paper, I will argue that obligatory adjuncts in many languages’ middle constructions are a byproduct of an independent constraint on movement, called Anti-locality (Abels 2003; Grohmann 2003; Bošković 2007; Schneider-Zioga 2007; Erlewine 2016; Brillman & Hirsch to appear). Anti-locality rules out movement that is too local; in other words, movement cannot produce a structure that is too similar to the pre-movement configuration. Though An…
Scalar Inferences in the Acquisition of Even
Scalar inferences are ubiquitous in human reasoning. Correspondingly, language has many means of expressing and encoding them. One of these means is the focus particle even , which utilizes scalar inferences to signal the pragmatic status of asserted content as noteworthy. The vehicles that even employs to signal noteworthiness are scalar likelihood inferences. A peculiarity of these inferences is that they are presuppositional in nature (not-at-…
Probing for the Closest DP
Branan and Erlewine (2022) argue for the existence of an Ā-probe that can only be satisfied if its goal is the closest DP. The motivation for such a probe comes from a series of relativization strategies in several languages that appear to only target the highest DP in the clause. In this reply, I argue that their data only motivate the existence of probes that attract the closest DP—their data fail canonical diagnostics for Ā-movement, suggestin…
Facilitator effects in middles and more
In this paper, I will argue that obligatory adjuncts in many languages’ middle constructions are a byproduct of an independent constraint on movement, called Anti-locality (Abels 2003; Grohmann 2003; Bošković 2007; Schneider-Zioga 2007; Erlewine 2016; Brillman & Hirsch to appear). Anti-locality rules out movement that is too local; in other words, movement cannot produce a structure that is too similar to the pre-movement configuration. Though An…
Scalar Inferences in the Acquisition of Even
Scalar inferences are ubiquitous in human reasoning. Correspondingly, language has many means of expressing and encoding them. One of these means is the focus particle even , which utilizes scalar inferences to signal the pragmatic status of asserted content as noteworthy. The vehicles that even employs to signal noteworthiness are scalar likelihood inferences. A peculiarity of these inferences is that they are presuppositional in nature (not-at-…
On the interpretation of tense in temporal adverbial clauses
Tenses in English temporal adjunct clauses seem to show properties of both matrix and embedded tenses. On the one hand, they are often argued to be interpreted with respect to the time of utterance (Stump 1985; Arregui & Kusumoto 1998; Kubota et al. 2011). On the other hand, they are more constrained than matrix tenses, claimed to be limited to past tense when the matrix tense is past, and present when the matrix tense is future. I present eviden…
Probing for the Closest DP
Branan and Erlewine (2022) argue for the existence of an Ā-probe that can only be satisfied if its goal is the closest DP. The motivation for such a probe comes from a series of relativization strategies in several languages that appear to only target the highest DP in the clause. In this reply, I argue that their data only motivate the existence of probes that attract the closest DP—their data fail canonical diagnostics for Ā-movement, suggestin…
The order of operations and A/Ā interactions
Double object constructions provide an ideal context in which to investigate interactions between multiple instances of movement. With two internal arguments, we can construct scenarios where one A-moves and another Ā-moves, such as in the passive wh-question What was Sue given? Holmberg et al. (2019) observe that in many languages (e.g. Norwegian) that otherwise permit either object of a double object construction to A-move to subject position, …
On Projection and the Shadow of [Wh]
Much work has shown that wh-movement is subject to several kinds of locality restrictions cross-linguistically. I propose that these restrictions arise when [wh] projects past the maximal projection that it came from. When this happens, it intervenes for wh-movement, trapping the wh-element in its base position, unless it can escape through other means. The need to escape the domain of [wh] is proposed to capture the distribution of successive-cy…
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (6 works) · Computer Science (5 works) · Linguistics (4 works) · Mathematics (4 works) · Philosophy (4 works) · Artificial Intelligence (3 works) · Adjunct (2 works) · Language and cultural evolution (2 works) · Locality (2 works) · Natural Language Processing Techniques (2 works)