D Trevizo
Biographic Data
| ID | 68173 |
|---|---|
| NAME | D Trevizo |
| GIVEN NAMES | D |
| FAMILY NAME | Trevizo |
| SIGNATURE | TREVIZO D |
| AFFILIATIONS | Occidental College |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-7326-2795 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 13 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 12 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 13 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 1996 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2025 |
| H-INDEX | 2 |
Organizational form and fatalities in Michoacán's vigilante movement, 2012-2015
On the basis of quantitative and interview data on an armed vigilante movement in the Mexican state of Michoacán, we demonstrate that the variation in violence among different types of armed groups is partly a function of their intra-organizational dynamics. We show that patron-sponsored groups were significantly more likely to engage in armed combat, to kill and to die within and beyond the boundaries of their respective communities, than were t…
Organizational Form and Fragmentation in the Lethal Outcomes of Mexico's Vigilante Mobilizations, 2012-2015
In 2013, people in Michoacán and Guerrero, especially from rural areas, armed themselves against criminal cartels. Although their movements emerged from comparable contexts, their leaders and organizational forms differed in ways that affected their tactics and targets, as well as the timing of de-escalation. Whereas Guerrero's leaders understood their struggle as defensive, Michoacán's leaders were businessmen who saw themselves engaged in an of…
Mexico's Armed Vigilante Movements (2012-2015): The Impact of Low State Capacity and Economic Inequality
This article disputes recent studies that find no relationship between homicides and vigilantism. Using a unique panel dataset that controls for time and region, this study shows that the relationship exists. The evidence is consistent with the theory of low-capacity states: high homicide rates indicate unchecked criminal enclaves that further corrode trust in police. The territorial gaps in the central state's presence that O'Donnell once called…
Neighborhood Segregation and Business Outcomes: Mexican Immigrant Entrepreneurs in Los Angeles County
With original survey data, we contribute to a discussion of how segregation and poverty affect the performance of Mexican immigrant-owned storefronts in Los Angeles. We find that though both neighborhood segregation and poverty hinder performance as measured by the number of paid employees, poverty is more important. This was true even of businesses operating for 10 or more years. Although we find some support for the 'mixed economy' and 'ethnic …
Political Repression and the Struggles for Human Rights in Mexico: 1968–1990S
On the basis of qualitative and quantitative data, I show that nonviolent protests against politically motivated repression in Mexico were more significant, both in terms of their histories and their political impact over time, than the literature suggests. I document that Mexico had human rights movements prior to the late 1980s that have been overlooked because activists since 1968 framed their struggles in terms of amnesty for political prison…
Folkloric Poverty: Neoliberal Multiculturalism in Mexico - By R. Overmyer-Velázquez
Between Zapata and Che: A Comparison of Social Movement Success and Failure in Mexico
This research explains why Mexico's 1968 student movement ended in the massacre of hundreds of students, while the peasant revolts that followed won land reform from the state. I argue that because Mexico's presidents managed each movement with both repression and concessions, other factors beyond the state's political opportunity structure explain these sharply contrasting social movement outcomes. The evidence strongly suggests that while Mexic…
Between Zapata and Che: A Comparison of Social Movement Success and Failure in Mexico
Tepoztlán and the Transformation of the Mexican State: The Politics of Loose Connections
Interclass Conflict and Political Divisions among Capitalists: The Remaking of an Agrarian Capitalist Class in Mexico, 1970-75
With original data from Mexico I argue that political divisions among capitalists are determined by their varying political relationships to other organized classes. I demonstrate that in 1975 a minority of agrarian capitalists formed a movement for organizational autonomy from the government to defend private property, free enterprise, and capitalism. The majority of capitalists, however, rejected this movement as “unpatriotic.” Neither the hete…
Interclass Conflict and Political Divisions among Capitalists: The Remaking of an Agrarian Capitalist Class in Mexico, 1970-75
With original data from Mexico I argue that political divisions among capitalists are determined by their varying political relationships to other organized classes. I demonstrate that in 1975 a minority of agrarian capitalists formed a movement for organizational autonomy from the government to defend private property, free enterprise, and capitalism. The majority of capitalists, however, rejected this movement as "unpatriotic." Neither the hete…
Dispersed Communist Networks and Grassroots Leadership of Peasant Revolts in Mexico
Mexico's land revolts of the early 1970s were neither spontaneous nor simply called out by state-created political opportunities. Rather, militants and sympathizers of the Mexican Communist Party (PCM) were systematically among the initiators of many peasant movements, despite earlier state repression that had nearly destroyed the Party and despite ongoing repression. The PCM's history of rural organizing mattered for the peasants' subsequent pro…
The Dynamics of Domination: State, Class, and Social Reform in Mexico, 1910-1990
Neighborhood Segregation and Business Outcomes: Mexican Immigrant Entrepreneurs in Los Angeles County
With original survey data, we contribute to a discussion of how segregation and poverty affect the performance of Mexican immigrant-owned storefronts in Los Angeles. We find that though both neighborhood segregation and poverty hinder performance as measured by the number of paid employees, poverty is more important. This was true even of businesses operating for 10 or more years. Although we find some support for the 'mixed economy' and 'ethnic …
Political Repression and the Struggles for Human Rights in Mexico: 1968–1990S
On the basis of qualitative and quantitative data, I show that nonviolent protests against politically motivated repression in Mexico were more significant, both in terms of their histories and their political impact over time, than the literature suggests. I document that Mexico had human rights movements prior to the late 1980s that have been overlooked because activists since 1968 framed their struggles in terms of amnesty for political prison…
Mexico's Armed Vigilante Movements (2012-2015): The Impact of Low State Capacity and Economic Inequality
This article disputes recent studies that find no relationship between homicides and vigilantism. Using a unique panel dataset that controls for time and region, this study shows that the relationship exists. The evidence is consistent with the theory of low-capacity states: high homicide rates indicate unchecked criminal enclaves that further corrode trust in police. The territorial gaps in the central state's presence that O'Donnell once called…
Dispersed Communist Networks and Grassroots Leadership of Peasant Revolts in Mexico
Mexico's land revolts of the early 1970s were neither spontaneous nor simply called out by state-created political opportunities. Rather, militants and sympathizers of the Mexican Communist Party (PCM) were systematically among the initiators of many peasant movements, despite earlier state repression that had nearly destroyed the Party and despite ongoing repression. The PCM's history of rural organizing mattered for the peasants' subsequent pro…
The Dynamics of Domination: State, Class, and Social Reform in Mexico, 1910-1990
Dispersed Communist Networks and Grassroots Leadership of Peasant Revolts in Mexico
Mexico's land revolts of the early 1970s were neither spontaneous nor simply called out by state-created political opportunities. Rather, militants and sympathizers of the Mexican Communist Party (PCM) were systematically among the initiators of many peasant movements, despite earlier state repression that had nearly destroyed the Party and despite ongoing repression. The PCM's history of rural organizing mattered for the peasants' subsequent pro…
Interclass Conflict and Political Divisions among Capitalists: The Remaking of an Agrarian Capitalist Class in Mexico, 1970-75
With original data from Mexico I argue that political divisions among capitalists are determined by their varying political relationships to other organized classes. I demonstrate that in 1975 a minority of agrarian capitalists formed a movement for organizational autonomy from the government to defend private property, free enterprise, and capitalism. The majority of capitalists, however, rejected this movement as “unpatriotic.” Neither the hete…
Interclass Conflict and Political Divisions among Capitalists: The Remaking of an Agrarian Capitalist Class in Mexico, 1970-75
With original data from Mexico I argue that political divisions among capitalists are determined by their varying political relationships to other organized classes. I demonstrate that in 1975 a minority of agrarian capitalists formed a movement for organizational autonomy from the government to defend private property, free enterprise, and capitalism. The majority of capitalists, however, rejected this movement as "unpatriotic." Neither the hete…
Between Zapata and Che: A Comparison of Social Movement Success and Failure in Mexico
This research explains why Mexico's 1968 student movement ended in the massacre of hundreds of students, while the peasant revolts that followed won land reform from the state. I argue that because Mexico's presidents managed each movement with both repression and concessions, other factors beyond the state's political opportunity structure explain these sharply contrasting social movement outcomes. The evidence strongly suggests that while Mexic…
Between Zapata and Che: A Comparison of Social Movement Success and Failure in Mexico
Tepoztlán and the Transformation of the Mexican State: The Politics of Loose Connections
Folkloric Poverty: Neoliberal Multiculturalism in Mexico - By R. Overmyer-Velázquez
Political Repression and the Struggles for Human Rights in Mexico: 1968–1990S
On the basis of qualitative and quantitative data, I show that nonviolent protests against politically motivated repression in Mexico were more significant, both in terms of their histories and their political impact over time, than the literature suggests. I document that Mexico had human rights movements prior to the late 1980s that have been overlooked because activists since 1968 framed their struggles in terms of amnesty for political prison…
Neighborhood Segregation and Business Outcomes: Mexican Immigrant Entrepreneurs in Los Angeles County
With original survey data, we contribute to a discussion of how segregation and poverty affect the performance of Mexican immigrant-owned storefronts in Los Angeles. We find that though both neighborhood segregation and poverty hinder performance as measured by the number of paid employees, poverty is more important. This was true even of businesses operating for 10 or more years. Although we find some support for the 'mixed economy' and 'ethnic …
Mexico's Armed Vigilante Movements (2012-2015): The Impact of Low State Capacity and Economic Inequality
This article disputes recent studies that find no relationship between homicides and vigilantism. Using a unique panel dataset that controls for time and region, this study shows that the relationship exists. The evidence is consistent with the theory of low-capacity states: high homicide rates indicate unchecked criminal enclaves that further corrode trust in police. The territorial gaps in the central state's presence that O'Donnell once called…
Organizational form and fatalities in Michoacán's vigilante movement, 2012-2015
On the basis of quantitative and interview data on an armed vigilante movement in the Mexican state of Michoacán, we demonstrate that the variation in violence among different types of armed groups is partly a function of their intra-organizational dynamics. We show that patron-sponsored groups were significantly more likely to engage in armed combat, to kill and to die within and beyond the boundaries of their respective communities, than were t…
Organizational Form and Fragmentation in the Lethal Outcomes of Mexico's Vigilante Mobilizations, 2012-2015
In 2013, people in Michoacán and Guerrero, especially from rural areas, armed themselves against criminal cartels. Although their movements emerged from comparable contexts, their leaders and organizational forms differed in ways that affected their tactics and targets, as well as the timing of de-escalation. Whereas Guerrero's leaders understood their struggle as defensive, Michoacán's leaders were businessmen who saw themselves engaged in an of…
Political science (13 works) · Law (11 works) · Politics (9 works) · Politics and Society in Latin America (9 works) · Sociology (9 works) · Law (8 works) · Political economy (7 works) · Economics (6 works) · Geography (5 works) · Political Conflict and Governance (4 works)