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Patricia A Hurley

Biographic Data

ID694770
NAMEPatricia A Hurley
GIVEN NAMESPatricia A
FAMILY NAMEHurley
SIGNATUREHURLEY P A
AFFILIATIONSMitchell Institute
ORCID0000-0001-6898-7831
VERIFIEDYes
TOTAL WORKS29
TOTAL CITATIONS370
AUTHOR COUNT29
EDITOR COUNT0
FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR1977
LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR2022
H-INDEX9
  • New Evidence on the Relative Scholarly Productivity of Male versus Female Political Scientists

    Open Access•Kim Hill, Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•PS Political Science & Politics•2022•References: 3

    Considerable research finds that male political scientists publish more research on average than do female political scientists. Yet the reasons for this difference are not entirely clear. Those findings may also overestimate the relative productivity of men because they do not account for the longer time that more men have been in the profession and thus have been publishing longer than women. For a prominent survey dataset of political scientis…

  • Perceptions of Academic Departmental Climate by Men and Women and the Effects of Such Perceptions on Research Productivity

    Open Access•Kim Hill, Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•PS Political Science & Politics•2021•References: 4

    We demonstrate how men and women political scientists in PhD-granting departments perceive the professional climates there. We find remarkable differences in how men and women perceive the “cultural” climates of their departments, such as the degree to which it is sexist, but not in how they perceive strictly collegial aspects of climate. We also demonstrate that these patterns characterize the perceptions of men and women at both junior and seni…

  • One Woman’s Career Path—with Advice for Young Women Scholars

    Open Access•Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•PS Political Science & Politics•2020

    An abstract is not available for this content. As you have access to this content, full HTML content is provided on this page. A PDF of this content is also available in through the ‘Save PDF’ action button

  • Measuring children’s participation in recreation and leisure activities: Construct validation of the Cape and PAC

    Open Access•G A King, Gillian King et al.•ARTICLE•Child Care Health and Development•2006

    There is a need for psychometrically sound measures of children's participation in recreation and leisure activities, for both clinical and research purposes. This paper provides information about the construct validity of the Children's Assessment of Participation and Enjoyment (CAPE) and its companion measure, Preferences for Activities of Children (PAC). These measures are appropriate for children and youth with and without disabilities betwee…

  • Woodrow Jones, Jr

    Open Access•Patricia A Hurley, Patricia Hurley et al.•ARTICLE•PS Political Science & Politics•2006

    Woodrow Jones, Jr., professor of political science at Texas A&M University passed away on November 22, 2005, after a long battle with heart disease. Born in McKenzie, Tennessee, on February 28, 1947, he received his B.A. in political science from the University of New Mexico in 1969 and went on to earn an M.A. and Ph.D. in political science from the University of Oregon in 1974 and an M.P.H. from the University of Texas School of Public Health in…

  • The influence of economic development level, household wealth and maternal education on child health in the developing world

    Open Access•Michael H Boyle, Yvonne Racine et al.•ARTICLE•Social Science & Medicine•2006•Cited by: 38•References: 24

  • Beyond the Demand-Input Model: A Theory of Representational Linkages

    Patricia A Hurley, Kim Quaile Hill et al.•ARTICLE•The Journal of Politics•2003•Cited by: 37•References: 51

    We offer a theory of the direction and nature of representational linkages between constituents and their elected representatives based on two attributes of issues: their complexity and their relationship to the lines of partisan cleavage. We show that the theory is compatible with the existing evidence on representation and then offer results of tests of new predictions from the theory for both simple and complex party-defining issues. For addit…

  • Symbolic Speeches in the U.S. Senate and Their Representational Implications

    Kim Quaile Hill, Kim Hill et al.•ARTICLE•The Journal of Politics•2002•Cited by: 51•References: 15

    We document multiple forms of symbolic behavior by members of the U.S. Senate and then offer systematic tests intended to account for variations in such behavior. Our measures of symbolic behavior are developed from floor speeches in the Senate, and we demonstrate, first, that the major types of speeches match particular home style activities and other commonly recognized behaviors of legislators. Our empirical tests provide evidence that the fre…

  • David Mayhew's Congress: The Electoral Connection After 25 Years

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•PS Political Science & Politics•2001•References: 3

    Congress: The Electoral Connection was an important book when it appeared in 1974, and it remains one 25 years later. One measure of the importance of a work is the research that it stimulates. Mayhew's focus on advertising and credit claiming has led to a good deal of research on these activities, and those who study Congress have learned much from both Mayhew himself and the scholars he inspired. Moreover, analyses of advertising and credit cla…

  • Congress at the Grassroots: Representational Change in the South, 1970-1998 . Richard F. Fenno, Jr

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•The Journal of Politics•2001

  • The Effects of Party Advantage on the Partisan Support of New U. S. House Members

    Open Access•Patricia A Hurley, Brinck Kerr•ARTICLE•Legislative Studies Quarterly•2000•Cited by: 4

  • Voice, Trust, and Memory: Marginalized Groups and the Failings of Liberal Representation . Melissa S. Williams

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•The Journal of Politics•1999

  • Dyadic Representation Reappraised

    Kim Quaile Hill, Kim Hill et al.•ARTICLE•American Journal of Political…•1999•Cited by: 62•References: 23

    Recent research on representational linkages between legislators and their constituents challenges the long-standing assumption that constituency preferences are exogenous to the linkage process but does not clearly suggest the conditions under which a specific pattern of linkage should exist. Drawing on a diverse collection of prior research the authors argue that issues that function as main lines of cleavage between competing political parties…

  • The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion. John R. Zaller

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•The Journal of Politics•1994•Cited by: 1

  • The End of Realignment? Interpreting American Electoral Eras. Byron E. Shafer

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•The Journal of Politics•1992

  • Partisan Representation, Realignment, and the Senate in the 1980s

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•The Journal of Politics•1991•Cited by: 8•References: 36

    The 1980 election was heralded by a number of observers as the beginning of one of those rare periods of partisan realignment in American politics. The capture of control of the Senate by the Republican party gave some credence to this prediction, yet the Congressional elections of 1982, 1984, and 1986 failed to sustain the realignment process. This paper advances the thesis that the failure of realignment in the 1980s is connected to the failure…

  • Partisan Voting Patterns in the U. S. Senate, 1877-1986

    Open Access•Patricia A Hurley, Rick K Wilson•ARTICLE•Legislative Studies Quarterly•1989•Cited by: 20•References: 6

    In this paper we describe patterns of party voting, party cohesion and party strength in the U.S. Senate from 1877 through 1986, and replicate, for the Senate, earlier explanatory models developed for the House of Representatives. We then refine and extend these models to correct for autocorrelation and measurement problems in the replicated analysis. The new analysis demonstrates that cohesion and strength for the two parties in the Senate are d…

  • Partisan Representation and the Failure of Realignment in the 1980s

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•American Journal of Political…•1989•Cited by: 15•References: 17

    This paper advances the concept of partisan representation and suggests that such representation plays a role in the process of realignment. Partisan representation focuses attention on how well the parties in Congress, as groups, represent their rank-and-file identifiers, as groups. Improved partisan representation within the advantaged party, as well as increased congruence between independents and the advantaged party should be important facto…

  • Party Dealignment and Policy Representation in the House of Representatives: Comparing Opinion-Policy Congruence in the 1950s and 1970s

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•Congress & the Presidency•1989•Cited by: 2•References: 24

    This article compares the level of opinion-policy congruence in the U.S. House of Representatives before and during a period of party dealignment. Public opinion data on domestic and foreign policy issues from the late 1950s and the late 1970s are contrasted with House voting in the periods 1957-1960 and 1977-1980, respectively. Congruence within the Democratic party was lower in the latter period, although congruence within the Republican party …

  • Uniform State Law Adoptions in the American States: An Explanatory Analysis

    Kim Hill, Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•Publius The Journal of Federalism•1988•Cited by: 2

    No general explanation seems to distinguish popular from unpopular uniform state law proposals. Adoption appears to be a product of the timeliness of specific proposals rather than of the wisdom or “necessity” of the movement itself or of the purely technical, legal, or policy merits of individual proposals. Overall, the states have not been highly responsive to uniform law proposals. The predominant factor discriminating high from low adopting s…

  • The Prospects for Contemporary Partisan Realignment

    D Brady, David W Brady et al.•ARTICLE•PS Political Science & Politics•1985•References: 10

    With the exception of 1976, all national elections since 1964 have generated commentary among both media analysts and political scientists about the possibility of realignment. Reports have varied from the straightforward—yes or no—to the contrived—realignment has been realized at the presidential but not the congressional level. In this essay, we outline our view of those factors that are necessary for a realignment, and we evaluate the 1984 ele…

  • The Legislative Veto: A Policy Analysis

    Joseph Cooper, Joseph Cooper Cooper et al.•ARTICLE•Congress & the Presidency•1983•Cited by: 1•References: 9

    This article presents a comprehensive overview of patterns and trends in the use of the legislative veto from the early 1930s through the late 1970s. A total of 274 legislative vetoes are classified in terms of policy use, functional use, and veto form. These data help put the veto in perspective. Together with analysis of the policy arguments made against the veto, they provide a corrective to negative assessments based on presumption. Neither t…

  • Collective Representation Reappraised

    Open Access•Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•Legislative Studies Quarterly•1982•Cited by: 16•References: 9

    This paper presents a critique and an extension of Weissberg's theory of collective representation. The present paper redefines collective representation as the extent to which policy outputs reflect nation-wide public preferences. Data on public preferences collected by the SRC/CPS election surveys in 1978 are supplemented with roll-call data from the 95th Congress to demonstrate that assessments of the extent of collective representation vary c…

  • Predicting Policy Change in the House: A Longitudinal Analysis

    Open Access•Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•British Journal of Political…•1982•References: 9

    If one were asked to describe the process of policy change in the United States in one word, that word would surely be ‘incremental’. Students of the Congressional process can point to a number of factors which account for delay in changes of policy; it is only recently that they have begun to examine the occasional departures from Congressional intractability in matter of public policy. This paper seeks to further our understanding of how intern…

  • Freedom of the Press in Latin America: A Thirty-Year Survey

    Open Access•Kim Quaile Hill, Kim Hill et al.•ARTICLE•Latin American Research Review•1980

    Freedom of the press has long been considered a critical requirement for the maintenance of democratic government. Most previous writings on the position of the press around the world, however, have argued that restrictions on the press have become generally more numerous in recent years and, hence, press freedom levels have been declining over time. Merrill et al., in their survey of national press systems, note that “recent surveys and studies …

Next
  • The Decline of Party in the U. S. House of Representatives, 1887-1968

    Open Access•D Brady, David W Brady et al.•ARTICLE•Legislative Studies Quarterly•1979•Cited by: 88•References: 2

    In this paper the decline of party voting in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1887 to 1968 is analyzed. The levels of party voting (by Congress) are fitted to a regression line, with the results showing a high period of party voting (1890-1910), an intermediate period (1911-1940), and a low period (1941-1968). A model is developed to measure the effects on party voting of external variables-party homogeneity, party conflict, presidential pa…

  • Dyadic Representation Reappraised

    Kim Quaile Hill, Kim Hill et al.•ARTICLE•American Journal of Political…•1999•Cited by: 62•References: 23

    Recent research on representational linkages between legislators and their constituents challenges the long-standing assumption that constituency preferences are exogenous to the linkage process but does not clearly suggest the conditions under which a specific pattern of linkage should exist. Drawing on a diverse collection of prior research the authors argue that issues that function as main lines of cleavage between competing political parties…

  • Symbolic Speeches in the U.S. Senate and Their Representational Implications

    Kim Quaile Hill, Kim Hill et al.•ARTICLE•The Journal of Politics•2002•Cited by: 51•References: 15

    We document multiple forms of symbolic behavior by members of the U.S. Senate and then offer systematic tests intended to account for variations in such behavior. Our measures of symbolic behavior are developed from floor speeches in the Senate, and we demonstrate, first, that the major types of speeches match particular home style activities and other commonly recognized behaviors of legislators. Our empirical tests provide evidence that the fre…

  • The influence of economic development level, household wealth and maternal education on child health in the developing world

    Open Access•Michael H Boyle, Yvonne Racine et al.•ARTICLE•Social Science & Medicine•2006•Cited by: 38•References: 24

  • Beyond the Demand-Input Model: A Theory of Representational Linkages

    Patricia A Hurley, Kim Quaile Hill et al.•ARTICLE•The Journal of Politics•2003•Cited by: 37•References: 51

    We offer a theory of the direction and nature of representational linkages between constituents and their elected representatives based on two attributes of issues: their complexity and their relationship to the lines of partisan cleavage. We show that the theory is compatible with the existing evidence on representation and then offer results of tests of new predictions from the theory for both simple and complex party-defining issues. For addit…

  • Partisan Voting Patterns in the U. S. Senate, 1877-1986

    Open Access•Patricia A Hurley, Rick K Wilson•ARTICLE•Legislative Studies Quarterly•1989•Cited by: 20•References: 6

    In this paper we describe patterns of party voting, party cohesion and party strength in the U.S. Senate from 1877 through 1986, and replicate, for the Senate, earlier explanatory models developed for the House of Representatives. We then refine and extend these models to correct for autocorrelation and measurement problems in the replicated analysis. The new analysis demonstrates that cohesion and strength for the two parties in the Senate are d…

  • Measuring Legislative Potential for Policy Change

    Open Access•Patricia A Hurley, Patricia Hurley et al.•ARTICLE•Legislative Studies Quarterly•1977•Cited by: 17•References: 2

    Major changes in the policy posture of the Congress are rare political events. In this century, only Wilson's first Congress (63rd), Roosevelt's first three Congresses (73rd, 74th, and 75th) and Johnson's 89th Congress clearly stand out as innovative (Ripley, 1969; Burns, 1956; Sundquist, 1968). Given the rarity of such events, it is not surprising that political scientists have not systematically examined the conditions which facilitate or are a…

  • Collective Representation Reappraised

    Open Access•Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•Legislative Studies Quarterly•1982•Cited by: 16•References: 9

    This paper presents a critique and an extension of Weissberg's theory of collective representation. The present paper redefines collective representation as the extent to which policy outputs reflect nation-wide public preferences. Data on public preferences collected by the SRC/CPS election surveys in 1978 are supplemented with roll-call data from the 95th Congress to demonstrate that assessments of the extent of collective representation vary c…

  • Partisan Representation and the Failure of Realignment in the 1980s

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•American Journal of Political…•1989•Cited by: 15•References: 17

    This paper advances the concept of partisan representation and suggests that such representation plays a role in the process of realignment. Partisan representation focuses attention on how well the parties in Congress, as groups, represent their rank-and-file identifiers, as groups. Improved partisan representation within the advantaged party, as well as increased congruence between independents and the advantaged party should be important facto…

  • Partisan Representation, Realignment, and the Senate in the 1980s

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•The Journal of Politics•1991•Cited by: 8•References: 36

    The 1980 election was heralded by a number of observers as the beginning of one of those rare periods of partisan realignment in American politics. The capture of control of the Senate by the Republican party gave some credence to this prediction, yet the Congressional elections of 1982, 1984, and 1986 failed to sustain the realignment process. This paper advances the thesis that the failure of realignment in the 1980s is connected to the failure…

  • Assessing the Potential for Significant Legislative Output in the House of Representatives

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•The Western Political Quarterly•1979•Cited by: 5

  • The Effects of Party Advantage on the Partisan Support of New U. S. House Members

    Open Access•Patricia A Hurley, Brinck Kerr•ARTICLE•Legislative Studies Quarterly•2000•Cited by: 4

  • Mass Participation, Electoral Competitiveness, and Issue-Attitude Agreement Between Congressmen and their Constituents

    Open Access•Kim Quaile Hill, Kim Hill et al.•ARTICLE•British Journal of Political…•1979•Cited by: 3•References: 2

    In recent research Verba and Nie and Hansen have provided systematic evidence on the positive effects of mass participation on other aspects of the public policy process. Specifically, Verba and Nie demonstrated that for data on American communities, a curvilinear relationship exists between the level of mass political participation and the extent of elite-mass agreement on ‘policy agenda’ items. The effect of this relationship is such that the h…

  • Party Dealignment and Policy Representation in the House of Representatives: Comparing Opinion-Policy Congruence in the 1950s and 1970s

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•Congress & the Presidency•1989•Cited by: 2•References: 24

    This article compares the level of opinion-policy congruence in the U.S. House of Representatives before and during a period of party dealignment. Public opinion data on domestic and foreign policy issues from the late 1950s and the late 1970s are contrasted with House voting in the periods 1957-1960 and 1977-1980, respectively. Congruence within the Democratic party was lower in the latter period, although congruence within the Republican party …

  • Uniform State Law Adoptions in the American States: An Explanatory Analysis

    Kim Hill, Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•Publius The Journal of Federalism•1988•Cited by: 2

    No general explanation seems to distinguish popular from unpopular uniform state law proposals. Adoption appears to be a product of the timeliness of specific proposals rather than of the wisdom or “necessity” of the movement itself or of the purely technical, legal, or policy merits of individual proposals. Overall, the states have not been highly responsive to uniform law proposals. The predominant factor discriminating high from low adopting s…

  • The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion. John R. Zaller

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•The Journal of Politics•1994•Cited by: 1

  • The Legislative Veto: A Policy Analysis

    Joseph Cooper, Joseph Cooper Cooper et al.•ARTICLE•Congress & the Presidency•1983•Cited by: 1•References: 9

    This article presents a comprehensive overview of patterns and trends in the use of the legislative veto from the early 1930s through the late 1970s. A total of 274 legislative vetoes are classified in terms of policy use, functional use, and veto form. These data help put the veto in perspective. Together with analysis of the policy arguments made against the veto, they provide a corrective to negative assessments based on presumption. Neither t…

  • Measuring Legislative Potential for Policy Change

    Open Access•Patricia A Hurley, Patricia Hurley et al.•ARTICLE•Legislative Studies Quarterly•1977•Cited by: 17•References: 2

    Major changes in the policy posture of the Congress are rare political events. In this century, only Wilson's first Congress (63rd), Roosevelt's first three Congresses (73rd, 74th, and 75th) and Johnson's 89th Congress clearly stand out as innovative (Ripley, 1969; Burns, 1956; Sundquist, 1968). Given the rarity of such events, it is not surprising that political scientists have not systematically examined the conditions which facilitate or are a…

  • The Decline of Party in the U. S. House of Representatives, 1887-1968

    Open Access•D Brady, David W Brady et al.•ARTICLE•Legislative Studies Quarterly•1979•Cited by: 88•References: 2

    In this paper the decline of party voting in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1887 to 1968 is analyzed. The levels of party voting (by Congress) are fitted to a regression line, with the results showing a high period of party voting (1890-1910), an intermediate period (1911-1940), and a low period (1941-1968). A model is developed to measure the effects on party voting of external variables-party homogeneity, party conflict, presidential pa…

  • Mass Participation, Electoral Competitiveness, and Issue-Attitude Agreement Between Congressmen and their Constituents

    Open Access•Kim Quaile Hill, Kim Hill et al.•ARTICLE•British Journal of Political…•1979•Cited by: 3•References: 2

    In recent research Verba and Nie and Hansen have provided systematic evidence on the positive effects of mass participation on other aspects of the public policy process. Specifically, Verba and Nie demonstrated that for data on American communities, a curvilinear relationship exists between the level of mass political participation and the extent of elite-mass agreement on ‘policy agenda’ items. The effect of this relationship is such that the h…

  • Assessing the Potential for Significant Legislative Output in the House of Representatives

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•The Western Political Quarterly•1979•Cited by: 5

  • Freedom of the Press in Latin America: A Thirty-Year Survey

    Open Access•Kim Quaile Hill, Kim Hill et al.•ARTICLE•Latin American Research Review•1980

    Freedom of the press has long been considered a critical requirement for the maintenance of democratic government. Most previous writings on the position of the press around the world, however, have argued that restrictions on the press have become generally more numerous in recent years and, hence, press freedom levels have been declining over time. Merrill et al., in their survey of national press systems, note that “recent surveys and studies …

  • Collective Representation Reappraised

    Open Access•Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•Legislative Studies Quarterly•1982•Cited by: 16•References: 9

    This paper presents a critique and an extension of Weissberg's theory of collective representation. The present paper redefines collective representation as the extent to which policy outputs reflect nation-wide public preferences. Data on public preferences collected by the SRC/CPS election surveys in 1978 are supplemented with roll-call data from the 95th Congress to demonstrate that assessments of the extent of collective representation vary c…

  • Predicting Policy Change in the House: A Longitudinal Analysis

    Open Access•Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•British Journal of Political…•1982•References: 9

    If one were asked to describe the process of policy change in the United States in one word, that word would surely be ‘incremental’. Students of the Congressional process can point to a number of factors which account for delay in changes of policy; it is only recently that they have begun to examine the occasional departures from Congressional intractability in matter of public policy. This paper seeks to further our understanding of how intern…

  • The Legislative Veto: A Policy Analysis

    Joseph Cooper, Joseph Cooper Cooper et al.•ARTICLE•Congress & the Presidency•1983•Cited by: 1•References: 9

    This article presents a comprehensive overview of patterns and trends in the use of the legislative veto from the early 1930s through the late 1970s. A total of 274 legislative vetoes are classified in terms of policy use, functional use, and veto form. These data help put the veto in perspective. Together with analysis of the policy arguments made against the veto, they provide a corrective to negative assessments based on presumption. Neither t…

  • The Prospects for Contemporary Partisan Realignment

    D Brady, David W Brady et al.•ARTICLE•PS Political Science & Politics•1985•References: 10

    With the exception of 1976, all national elections since 1964 have generated commentary among both media analysts and political scientists about the possibility of realignment. Reports have varied from the straightforward—yes or no—to the contrived—realignment has been realized at the presidential but not the congressional level. In this essay, we outline our view of those factors that are necessary for a realignment, and we evaluate the 1984 ele…

  • Uniform State Law Adoptions in the American States: An Explanatory Analysis

    Kim Hill, Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•Publius The Journal of Federalism•1988•Cited by: 2

    No general explanation seems to distinguish popular from unpopular uniform state law proposals. Adoption appears to be a product of the timeliness of specific proposals rather than of the wisdom or “necessity” of the movement itself or of the purely technical, legal, or policy merits of individual proposals. Overall, the states have not been highly responsive to uniform law proposals. The predominant factor discriminating high from low adopting s…

  • Partisan Voting Patterns in the U. S. Senate, 1877-1986

    Open Access•Patricia A Hurley, Rick K Wilson•ARTICLE•Legislative Studies Quarterly•1989•Cited by: 20•References: 6

    In this paper we describe patterns of party voting, party cohesion and party strength in the U.S. Senate from 1877 through 1986, and replicate, for the Senate, earlier explanatory models developed for the House of Representatives. We then refine and extend these models to correct for autocorrelation and measurement problems in the replicated analysis. The new analysis demonstrates that cohesion and strength for the two parties in the Senate are d…

  • Partisan Representation and the Failure of Realignment in the 1980s

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•American Journal of Political…•1989•Cited by: 15•References: 17

    This paper advances the concept of partisan representation and suggests that such representation plays a role in the process of realignment. Partisan representation focuses attention on how well the parties in Congress, as groups, represent their rank-and-file identifiers, as groups. Improved partisan representation within the advantaged party, as well as increased congruence between independents and the advantaged party should be important facto…

  • Party Dealignment and Policy Representation in the House of Representatives: Comparing Opinion-Policy Congruence in the 1950s and 1970s

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•Congress & the Presidency•1989•Cited by: 2•References: 24

    This article compares the level of opinion-policy congruence in the U.S. House of Representatives before and during a period of party dealignment. Public opinion data on domestic and foreign policy issues from the late 1950s and the late 1970s are contrasted with House voting in the periods 1957-1960 and 1977-1980, respectively. Congruence within the Democratic party was lower in the latter period, although congruence within the Republican party …

  • Partisan Representation, Realignment, and the Senate in the 1980s

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•The Journal of Politics•1991•Cited by: 8•References: 36

    The 1980 election was heralded by a number of observers as the beginning of one of those rare periods of partisan realignment in American politics. The capture of control of the Senate by the Republican party gave some credence to this prediction, yet the Congressional elections of 1982, 1984, and 1986 failed to sustain the realignment process. This paper advances the thesis that the failure of realignment in the 1980s is connected to the failure…

  • The End of Realignment? Interpreting American Electoral Eras. Byron E. Shafer

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•The Journal of Politics•1992

  • The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion. John R. Zaller

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•The Journal of Politics•1994•Cited by: 1

  • Voice, Trust, and Memory: Marginalized Groups and the Failings of Liberal Representation . Melissa S. Williams

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•The Journal of Politics•1999

  • Dyadic Representation Reappraised

    Kim Quaile Hill, Kim Hill et al.•ARTICLE•American Journal of Political…•1999•Cited by: 62•References: 23

    Recent research on representational linkages between legislators and their constituents challenges the long-standing assumption that constituency preferences are exogenous to the linkage process but does not clearly suggest the conditions under which a specific pattern of linkage should exist. Drawing on a diverse collection of prior research the authors argue that issues that function as main lines of cleavage between competing political parties…

  • The Effects of Party Advantage on the Partisan Support of New U. S. House Members

    Open Access•Patricia A Hurley, Brinck Kerr•ARTICLE•Legislative Studies Quarterly•2000•Cited by: 4

  • David Mayhew's Congress: The Electoral Connection After 25 Years

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•PS Political Science & Politics•2001•References: 3

    Congress: The Electoral Connection was an important book when it appeared in 1974, and it remains one 25 years later. One measure of the importance of a work is the research that it stimulates. Mayhew's focus on advertising and credit claiming has led to a good deal of research on these activities, and those who study Congress have learned much from both Mayhew himself and the scholars he inspired. Moreover, analyses of advertising and credit cla…

  • Congress at the Grassroots: Representational Change in the South, 1970-1998 . Richard F. Fenno, Jr

    Patricia A Hurley•ARTICLE•The Journal of Politics•2001

  • Symbolic Speeches in the U.S. Senate and Their Representational Implications

    Kim Quaile Hill, Kim Hill et al.•ARTICLE•The Journal of Politics•2002•Cited by: 51•References: 15

    We document multiple forms of symbolic behavior by members of the U.S. Senate and then offer systematic tests intended to account for variations in such behavior. Our measures of symbolic behavior are developed from floor speeches in the Senate, and we demonstrate, first, that the major types of speeches match particular home style activities and other commonly recognized behaviors of legislators. Our empirical tests provide evidence that the fre…

  • Beyond the Demand-Input Model: A Theory of Representational Linkages

    Patricia A Hurley, Kim Quaile Hill et al.•ARTICLE•The Journal of Politics•2003•Cited by: 37•References: 51

    We offer a theory of the direction and nature of representational linkages between constituents and their elected representatives based on two attributes of issues: their complexity and their relationship to the lines of partisan cleavage. We show that the theory is compatible with the existing evidence on representation and then offer results of tests of new predictions from the theory for both simple and complex party-defining issues. For addit…

  • Measuring children’s participation in recreation and leisure activities: Construct validation of the Cape and PAC

    Open Access•G A King, Gillian King et al.•ARTICLE•Child Care Health and Development•2006

    There is a need for psychometrically sound measures of children's participation in recreation and leisure activities, for both clinical and research purposes. This paper provides information about the construct validity of the Children's Assessment of Participation and Enjoyment (CAPE) and its companion measure, Preferences for Activities of Children (PAC). These measures are appropriate for children and youth with and without disabilities betwee…

  • Woodrow Jones, Jr

    Open Access•Patricia A Hurley, Patricia Hurley et al.•ARTICLE•PS Political Science & Politics•2006

    Woodrow Jones, Jr., professor of political science at Texas A&M University passed away on November 22, 2005, after a long battle with heart disease. Born in McKenzie, Tennessee, on February 28, 1947, he received his B.A. in political science from the University of New Mexico in 1969 and went on to earn an M.A. and Ph.D. in political science from the University of Oregon in 1974 and an M.P.H. from the University of Texas School of Public Health in…

Political science (27 works) · Law (25 works) · Law (23 works) · Politics (21 works) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (18 works) · Sociology (17 works) · Economics (14 works) · Computer Science (8 works) · Public Administration (8 works) · Public Administration (8 works)

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