Alwin Kloekhorst
Biographic Data
| ID | 714594 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Alwin Kloekhorst |
| GIVEN NAMES | Alwin |
| FAMILY NAME | Kloekhorst |
| SIGNATURE | KLOEKHORST A |
| AFFILIATIONS | Leiden University |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-8338-1560 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 19 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 1 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 18 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 1 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2009 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 1 |
The relative age of the Indo‐European s‐aorist and the origin of its ablaut pattern
This article will argue that the Indo-European s-aorist is an ancient verbal category, and thus can be reconstructed for the earliest reconstructable stage of Proto‐Indo‐European. Moreover, it will argue that evidence from Vedic Sanskrit indicates that its active paradigm originally had radical *ē‐grade in its 2sg. and 3sg. forms only, whereas its other forms (including 1sg.) showed *e‐grade. Furthermore, it will argue that s-aorists formed to ro…
Evidence for a new pre-Proto-Indo-European sound law *-ē̆m > PIE *-ō̆m
Several PIE forms with a word-final sequence *-ō̆m would be morphologically better understandable if they ended in *-ē̆m. It is therefore proposed that, in its prehistory, Proto-Indo-European underwent a sound law *-ē̆m > *-ō̆m. This article will treat the relevant evidence in favor of this new sound law, as well as discuss an apparent counterexample. Moreover, it will offer some typological parallels for this development
The Indo-European Puzzle Revisited: Integrating Archaeology, Genetics, and Linguistics
This book examines the impact of ancient DNA research and scientific evidence on our understanding of the emergence of Indo-European languages in prehistory. Offering cutting-edge contributions from an international team of scholars, it considers the driving forces behind the Indo-European migrations during the 3rd and 2nd millenia BC. The volume explores the rise of the world's first pastoral nomads the Yamnaya Culture in the Russian Pontic step…
Proto-Indo-Anatolian, the “Anatolian Split” and the “Anatolian Trek”: A Comparative Linguistic Perspective
Since the so-called “Ancient DNA Revolution” of the past decade, which has yielded many new insights into the genetic prehistory of Europe and large parts of Asia, it can no longer be doubted that the Indo-European languages spoken in Europe and Central and South Asia were brought there from the late fourth millennium BCE onward by population groups from the Pontic–Caspian steppes who had belonged to the archaeologically defined Yamnaya culture. …
Pluralized Collectives in Young Avestan: A Morphosyntactic Explanation of the Replacement of the YAv. nom.-acc.pl.n. Endings and by -āiš, and -īš
This article studies Young Avestan forms in -āiš (formally instr.pl.m./n. of a-stems), (formally nom.-acc.pl.f. of ā-stems) and -īš (formally nom.pl.f. of ī-stems) that are used in contexts where neuter nom.-acc.pl. / collective forms in (a-stems) and (consonantstems) are expected. It is argued that these forms in -āiš, , and -īš are secondarily created pluralizations of original neuter collectives in reaction to the syntactic change according to…
Ejective stops in Hittite: Evidence for a Phonemic Length Distinction
In this article, it is argued that Hittite did not only possess a series of long ejective stops, as has previously been proposed, but that it also knew a series of short ejective stops. In this way, the Hittite stop system can be analysed as consisting of two types of stops, plain and ejective ones, with both types showing a length opposition: plain short /t/ vs. plain long /tː/, and ejective short /t'/ vs. ejective long /t'ː
New Interpretation of the Old Hittite Zalpa-Text (CTH 3.1): Nēša as the Capital under Ḫuzzii̯ a I, Labarna I, and Ḫattušili I
This article discusses one of the main problems of the Zalpa-text, namely that its mythological part deals with the relations between Zalpa and Nēša, but leaves Ḫattuša unmentioned, whereas its historical part deals with the relations between Zalpa and Ḫattuša, but contains no reference to Nēša. Following Martínez' 2016 suggestion that in the text's historical part Ḫattuša does not have the function of capital of the kings who feature in this sto…
Evidence for a phonemic glottal stop in Hittite as the outcome of PIE * h 1: A reassessment
My postulation of a phonemic glottal stop in Hittite as the outcome of PIE *h1 (Kloekhorst 2006, 2008, 2014) has been criticized by several colleagues. In the present paper I will reassess the evidence and argue that most of the points of criticism cannot withstand scrutiny, and that Hittite did indeed contain a phonemic glottal stop in the environments /°VʔV°/ and /ʔV°/. Moreover, it will be argued that the spelling practices employed by the Hit…
The Authorship of the Old Hittite Palace Chronicle (CTH 8): A Case for Anitta
It is generally thought that the Old Hittite Palace Chronicle was composed by Muršili I (reigned ca. 1620–1590 BCE) and that the anecdotes featuring in this composition thus took place during the reign of his predecessor Ḫattušili I (ca. 1650–1620 BCE). Recently, Forlanini proposed that the text’s author was not Muršili I but rather Ḫattušili I, who tells about the times of his predecessor Labarna I (ca. 1680(?)–1650 BCE). In the present article …
Introduction: Reconstructing Proto-Indo-Anatolian and Proto-Indo-Uralic
The Precursors of Proto-Indo-European: The Indo-Anatolian and Indo-Uralic Hypotheses
In The Precursors of Proto-Indo-European some of the world’s leading experts in historical linguistics shed new light on two hypotheses about the prehistory of the Indo-European language family, the so-called Indo-Anatolian and Indo-Uralic hypotheses. The Indo-Anatolian hypothesis states that the Anatolian branch of the Indo-European family should be viewed as a sister language of ‘classical’ Proto-Indo-European, the ancestor of all the other, no…
A Hittite Scribal Tradition Predating the Tablet Collections of Ḫattuša
This article discusses the origins of a group of four Hittite OS tablets, which share some unique and peculiar features with respect to their shape, spelling conventions and palaeography. It argues that these four tablets are the oldest documents of the Hittite corpus, and that they were not created in Ḫattuša, but have been imported from elsewhere. Originally, they belonged to an older writing tradition, predating the establishment of Ḫattuša as…
Anatolian evidence suggests that the Indo-European laryngeals *h2 and *h3 were uvular stops
In this article it will be argued that the Indo-European laryngeals * h 2 and * h 3 , which recently have been identified as uvular fricatives, were in fact uvular stops in Proto-Indo-Anatolian. Also in the Proto-Anatolian and Proto-Luwic stages these sounds probably were stops, not fricatives.
The Old Hittite and the Proto-Indo-European tense-aspect system
Building on Melchert’s observation that in Old Hittite narrative texts an aspectual system seems to be used that is different from the aspectual system found in the majority of Hittite texts (Melchert 1998), this article discusses the nature of the tense-aspect system of Proto-Indo-European, especially on the basis of a comparison between the Sanskrit and Hittite verbal systems (following observations and analyses by Pooth 2009). It is argued tha…
The Anatolian stop system and the Indo-Hittite hypothesis
This article argues that the phonetic distinction between the Hittite fortis and lenis stops was not one of voice, but rather one of length, and that this distinction must have been present in Proto-Anatolian as well. On the basis of typological and comparative considerations it is argued that the Proto-Anatolian stop system cannot have developed from the stop system that is traditionally reconstructed for the Proto-Indo-European mother language …
Proto-Indo-European “thorn”-clusters
The Opening Formula of Lycian Funerary Inscriptions: Mẽti vs. mẽne
Initial stops in Hittite (with an excursus on the spelling of stops in Alala Akkadian)
In this article it is argued that in Hittite the members of the sign pairs ta vs. da, ka vs. ga and ke/i vs. ge/i represent phonologically distinct sounds in word-initial position. The signs ta and da represent a normal fortis and a glottalized fortis stop, respectively: ta = /ta/ vs. . The signs ka and ke/i, on the one hand, and ga and ge/i, on the other, represent a fortis and a lenis stop, respectively: ka and ke/i = /k-/ vs. ga and ge/i = /g-…
Studies in Lycian and Carian Phonology and Morphology
New Interpretation of the Old Hittite Zalpa-Text (CTH 3.1): Nēša as the Capital under Ḫuzzii̯ a I, Labarna I, and Ḫattušili I
This article discusses one of the main problems of the Zalpa-text, namely that its mythological part deals with the relations between Zalpa and Nēša, but leaves Ḫattuša unmentioned, whereas its historical part deals with the relations between Zalpa and Ḫattuša, but contains no reference to Nēša. Following Martínez' 2016 suggestion that in the text's historical part Ḫattuša does not have the function of capital of the kings who feature in this sto…
Studies in Lycian and Carian Phonology and Morphology
Initial stops in Hittite (with an excursus on the spelling of stops in Alala Akkadian)
In this article it is argued that in Hittite the members of the sign pairs ta vs. da, ka vs. ga and ke/i vs. ge/i represent phonologically distinct sounds in word-initial position. The signs ta and da represent a normal fortis and a glottalized fortis stop, respectively: ta = /ta/ vs. . The signs ka and ke/i, on the one hand, and ga and ge/i, on the other, represent a fortis and a lenis stop, respectively: ka and ke/i = /k-/ vs. ga and ge/i = /g-…
The Opening Formula of Lycian Funerary Inscriptions: Mẽti vs. mẽne
Proto-Indo-European “thorn”-clusters
The Anatolian stop system and the Indo-Hittite hypothesis
This article argues that the phonetic distinction between the Hittite fortis and lenis stops was not one of voice, but rather one of length, and that this distinction must have been present in Proto-Anatolian as well. On the basis of typological and comparative considerations it is argued that the Proto-Anatolian stop system cannot have developed from the stop system that is traditionally reconstructed for the Proto-Indo-European mother language …
The Old Hittite and the Proto-Indo-European tense-aspect system
Building on Melchert’s observation that in Old Hittite narrative texts an aspectual system seems to be used that is different from the aspectual system found in the majority of Hittite texts (Melchert 1998), this article discusses the nature of the tense-aspect system of Proto-Indo-European, especially on the basis of a comparison between the Sanskrit and Hittite verbal systems (following observations and analyses by Pooth 2009). It is argued tha…
Anatolian evidence suggests that the Indo-European laryngeals *h2 and *h3 were uvular stops
In this article it will be argued that the Indo-European laryngeals * h 2 and * h 3 , which recently have been identified as uvular fricatives, were in fact uvular stops in Proto-Indo-Anatolian. Also in the Proto-Anatolian and Proto-Luwic stages these sounds probably were stops, not fricatives.
Introduction: Reconstructing Proto-Indo-Anatolian and Proto-Indo-Uralic
The Precursors of Proto-Indo-European: The Indo-Anatolian and Indo-Uralic Hypotheses
In The Precursors of Proto-Indo-European some of the world’s leading experts in historical linguistics shed new light on two hypotheses about the prehistory of the Indo-European language family, the so-called Indo-Anatolian and Indo-Uralic hypotheses. The Indo-Anatolian hypothesis states that the Anatolian branch of the Indo-European family should be viewed as a sister language of ‘classical’ Proto-Indo-European, the ancestor of all the other, no…
A Hittite Scribal Tradition Predating the Tablet Collections of Ḫattuša
This article discusses the origins of a group of four Hittite OS tablets, which share some unique and peculiar features with respect to their shape, spelling conventions and palaeography. It argues that these four tablets are the oldest documents of the Hittite corpus, and that they were not created in Ḫattuša, but have been imported from elsewhere. Originally, they belonged to an older writing tradition, predating the establishment of Ḫattuša as…
Evidence for a phonemic glottal stop in Hittite as the outcome of PIE * h 1: A reassessment
My postulation of a phonemic glottal stop in Hittite as the outcome of PIE *h1 (Kloekhorst 2006, 2008, 2014) has been criticized by several colleagues. In the present paper I will reassess the evidence and argue that most of the points of criticism cannot withstand scrutiny, and that Hittite did indeed contain a phonemic glottal stop in the environments /°VʔV°/ and /ʔV°/. Moreover, it will be argued that the spelling practices employed by the Hit…
The Authorship of the Old Hittite Palace Chronicle (CTH 8): A Case for Anitta
It is generally thought that the Old Hittite Palace Chronicle was composed by Muršili I (reigned ca. 1620–1590 BCE) and that the anecdotes featuring in this composition thus took place during the reign of his predecessor Ḫattušili I (ca. 1650–1620 BCE). Recently, Forlanini proposed that the text’s author was not Muršili I but rather Ḫattušili I, who tells about the times of his predecessor Labarna I (ca. 1680(?)–1650 BCE). In the present article …
New Interpretation of the Old Hittite Zalpa-Text (CTH 3.1): Nēša as the Capital under Ḫuzzii̯ a I, Labarna I, and Ḫattušili I
This article discusses one of the main problems of the Zalpa-text, namely that its mythological part deals with the relations between Zalpa and Nēša, but leaves Ḫattuša unmentioned, whereas its historical part deals with the relations between Zalpa and Ḫattuša, but contains no reference to Nēša. Following Martínez' 2016 suggestion that in the text's historical part Ḫattuša does not have the function of capital of the kings who feature in this sto…
Pluralized Collectives in Young Avestan: A Morphosyntactic Explanation of the Replacement of the YAv. nom.-acc.pl.n. Endings and by -āiš, and -īš
This article studies Young Avestan forms in -āiš (formally instr.pl.m./n. of a-stems), (formally nom.-acc.pl.f. of ā-stems) and -īš (formally nom.pl.f. of ī-stems) that are used in contexts where neuter nom.-acc.pl. / collective forms in (a-stems) and (consonantstems) are expected. It is argued that these forms in -āiš, , and -īš are secondarily created pluralizations of original neuter collectives in reaction to the syntactic change according to…
Ejective stops in Hittite: Evidence for a Phonemic Length Distinction
In this article, it is argued that Hittite did not only possess a series of long ejective stops, as has previously been proposed, but that it also knew a series of short ejective stops. In this way, the Hittite stop system can be analysed as consisting of two types of stops, plain and ejective ones, with both types showing a length opposition: plain short /t/ vs. plain long /tː/, and ejective short /t'/ vs. ejective long /t'ː
The Indo-European Puzzle Revisited: Integrating Archaeology, Genetics, and Linguistics
This book examines the impact of ancient DNA research and scientific evidence on our understanding of the emergence of Indo-European languages in prehistory. Offering cutting-edge contributions from an international team of scholars, it considers the driving forces behind the Indo-European migrations during the 3rd and 2nd millenia BC. The volume explores the rise of the world's first pastoral nomads the Yamnaya Culture in the Russian Pontic step…
Proto-Indo-Anatolian, the “Anatolian Split” and the “Anatolian Trek”: A Comparative Linguistic Perspective
Since the so-called “Ancient DNA Revolution” of the past decade, which has yielded many new insights into the genetic prehistory of Europe and large parts of Asia, it can no longer be doubted that the Indo-European languages spoken in Europe and Central and South Asia were brought there from the late fourth millennium BCE onward by population groups from the Pontic–Caspian steppes who had belonged to the archaeologically defined Yamnaya culture. …
Evidence for a new pre-Proto-Indo-European sound law *-ē̆m > PIE *-ō̆m
Several PIE forms with a word-final sequence *-ō̆m would be morphologically better understandable if they ended in *-ē̆m. It is therefore proposed that, in its prehistory, Proto-Indo-European underwent a sound law *-ē̆m > *-ō̆m. This article will treat the relevant evidence in favor of this new sound law, as well as discuss an apparent counterexample. Moreover, it will offer some typological parallels for this development
The relative age of the Indo‐European s‐aorist and the origin of its ablaut pattern
This article will argue that the Indo-European s-aorist is an ancient verbal category, and thus can be reconstructed for the earliest reconstructable stage of Proto‐Indo‐European. Moreover, it will argue that evidence from Vedic Sanskrit indicates that its active paradigm originally had radical *ē‐grade in its 2sg. and 3sg. forms only, whereas its other forms (including 1sg.) showed *e‐grade. Furthermore, it will argue that s-aorists formed to ro…
Linguistics and language evolution (18 works) · History (16 works) · Ancient Near East History (13 works) · Linguistics (13 works) · Philosophy (13 works) · Hittite language (8 works) · Linguistics and Cultural Studies (8 works) · Ancient history (6 works) · Art (6 works) · Archaeology (4 works)