Johan Rooryck
Biographic Data
| ID | 753310 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Johan Rooryck |
| GIVEN NAMES | Johan |
| FAMILY NAME | Rooryck |
| SIGNATURE | ROORYCK J |
| AFFILIATIONS | Leiden University |
| ORCID | 0000-0001-7214-7405 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 14 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 54 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 12 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 2 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 1988 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2024 |
| H-INDEX | 3 |
Formalizing spatial-causal polysemy of Agent prepositions
Current formal approaches to by-phrases in passives analyze the Agent preposition by as semantically vacuous: the denotation of by is merely such that its argument fulfills the same function as the external argument in the corresponding active sentence. This leads to a view of agentive by as essentially homonymous with spatial and temporal by. We argue, on the basis of work in the cognitive linguistic tradition and a new analysis of the French Ag…
The interpretation of [+distal] in demonstratives and complementizers
This article argues that the [+distal] feature of demonstrative that is also present in complementizer that, and has not bleached away. In particular, we argue that complementizer that is referential: it refers to an element in the Shared Discourse Space (an extension of the Common Ground) that can be seen as distal. This allows us to explain (i) that direct speech patterns with [−distal] (Sue said this/#that: "It is raining") while indirect spee…
Consanguinity and Possession in Varieties of Dutch
Southern varieties of Dutch use the 1st person plural form of the possessive pronoun ons as a marker of consanguinity with proper names, as in ons Emma ‘Emma, our consanguineous family member’. This use of ons ‘our’ has some remarkable properties: It is incompatible with adjectival modification and contrastive stress. These properties are shared with a construction from Standard Dutch: complex prenominal s- possessors consisting of the 1st person…
Aspect, evidentiality, and mirativity
Morphological transparency and the Delay of Principle B Effect
The production of Dutch finite verb morphology: A comparison between hearing-impaired CI children and specific language impaired children
Phrase Structure and the Lexicon
Binding into pronouns
Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 1999: Selected papers from ‘Going Romance’ 1999, Leiden, 9–11 December 1999
This volume brings together a selection of articles presented at 'Going Romance' 1999. The articles focus on current syntactic and semantic issues in various Romance languages, including Catalan, French, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, and a number of Northern Italian dialects. A large number of articles focus on negation, which was the theme of the workshop at Going Romance 1999, but other topics investigated include Wh- in situ, free relatives, e…
Atomism and Binding
This book contains several chapters dealing with Binding Theory, that is the theory dealing with the distribution and interpretation of definite descriptions, pronouns and reflexives. The general procedure by which a model is built out of various relatively independent submodules is referred to by the term Atomism
Licensing Wh-in-situ
This article examines French wh-in-situ. We argue that wh-in-situ in French is licensed by an intonation morpheme, which also licenses yes/no questions. Movement of a Q-feature of an in-situ wh-word is required to disambiguate the underspecified intonation morpheme. The underspecification nature of this intonation morpheme leads to limited distribution of French wh-in-situ. We further compare French wh-in-situ with Chinese and Portuguese, showing…
Romance Enclitic Ordering and Universal Grammar
In all1 Romance languages, clitics have to follow an nonnegated imperative.This is illustrated for French, Italian and Spanish and European Portuguese in (1):(1) a. Fais-le! (Fr.)/Falo! (It.)/Hazlo! (Sp.)/F-lo! (Port.)do
Negative and factive islands revisited
Several restrictions on successive cyclic wh -movement appear not to be exclusively linked to general principles of the grammar, but seem to be in some sense lexically determined. It has been pointed out repeatedly that wh -movement of subjects and adjuncts out of complement CPs of factive verbs strongly contrasts with wh -movement of internal arguments out of these CPs (Rouveret, 1980; Kayne, 1981; Zubizarreta, 1982; Adams, 1985): (1) (a) *Who d…
Restrictions on Dative Cliticization in French Causatives
Causative constructions in French display restrictions as to the cliticization of lexical datives onto the causative. In altogether different frameworks, Fauconnier (1983), Burzio (1986) and Goodall (1987) have related this restriction to the ergative-inergative distinction. However, the inability to formally define ergative verbs in French, as well as further restrictions on the cliticization of datives in causative constructions show that this …
Licensing Wh-in-situ
This article examines French wh-in-situ. We argue that wh-in-situ in French is licensed by an intonation morpheme, which also licenses yes/no questions. Movement of a Q-feature of an in-situ wh-word is required to disambiguate the underspecified intonation morpheme. The underspecification nature of this intonation morpheme leads to limited distribution of French wh-in-situ. We further compare French wh-in-situ with Chinese and Portuguese, showing…
Aspect, evidentiality, and mirativity
Negative and factive islands revisited
Several restrictions on successive cyclic wh -movement appear not to be exclusively linked to general principles of the grammar, but seem to be in some sense lexically determined. It has been pointed out repeatedly that wh -movement of subjects and adjuncts out of complement CPs of factive verbs strongly contrasts with wh -movement of internal arguments out of these CPs (Rouveret, 1980; Kayne, 1981; Zubizarreta, 1982; Adams, 1985): (1) (a) *Who d…
The production of Dutch finite verb morphology: A comparison between hearing-impaired CI children and specific language impaired children
The interpretation of [+distal] in demonstratives and complementizers
This article argues that the [+distal] feature of demonstrative that is also present in complementizer that, and has not bleached away. In particular, we argue that complementizer that is referential: it refers to an element in the Shared Discourse Space (an extension of the Common Ground) that can be seen as distal. This allows us to explain (i) that direct speech patterns with [−distal] (Sue said this/#that: "It is raining") while indirect spee…
Binding into pronouns
Restrictions on Dative Cliticization in French Causatives
Causative constructions in French display restrictions as to the cliticization of lexical datives onto the causative. In altogether different frameworks, Fauconnier (1983), Burzio (1986) and Goodall (1987) have related this restriction to the ergative-inergative distinction. However, the inability to formally define ergative verbs in French, as well as further restrictions on the cliticization of datives in causative constructions show that this …
Romance Enclitic Ordering and Universal Grammar
In all1 Romance languages, clitics have to follow an nonnegated imperative.This is illustrated for French, Italian and Spanish and European Portuguese in (1):(1) a. Fais-le! (Fr.)/Falo! (It.)/Hazlo! (Sp.)/F-lo! (Port.)do
Negative and factive islands revisited
Several restrictions on successive cyclic wh -movement appear not to be exclusively linked to general principles of the grammar, but seem to be in some sense lexically determined. It has been pointed out repeatedly that wh -movement of subjects and adjuncts out of complement CPs of factive verbs strongly contrasts with wh -movement of internal arguments out of these CPs (Rouveret, 1980; Kayne, 1981; Zubizarreta, 1982; Adams, 1985): (1) (a) *Who d…
Atomism and Binding
This book contains several chapters dealing with Binding Theory, that is the theory dealing with the distribution and interpretation of definite descriptions, pronouns and reflexives. The general procedure by which a model is built out of various relatively independent submodules is referred to by the term Atomism
Licensing Wh-in-situ
This article examines French wh-in-situ. We argue that wh-in-situ in French is licensed by an intonation morpheme, which also licenses yes/no questions. Movement of a Q-feature of an in-situ wh-word is required to disambiguate the underspecified intonation morpheme. The underspecification nature of this intonation morpheme leads to limited distribution of French wh-in-situ. We further compare French wh-in-situ with Chinese and Portuguese, showing…
Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 1999: Selected papers from ‘Going Romance’ 1999, Leiden, 9–11 December 1999
This volume brings together a selection of articles presented at 'Going Romance' 1999. The articles focus on current syntactic and semantic issues in various Romance languages, including Catalan, French, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, and a number of Northern Italian dialects. A large number of articles focus on negation, which was the theme of the workshop at Going Romance 1999, but other topics investigated include Wh- in situ, free relatives, e…
Binding into pronouns
Phrase Structure and the Lexicon
Morphological transparency and the Delay of Principle B Effect
The production of Dutch finite verb morphology: A comparison between hearing-impaired CI children and specific language impaired children
Consanguinity and Possession in Varieties of Dutch
Southern varieties of Dutch use the 1st person plural form of the possessive pronoun ons as a marker of consanguinity with proper names, as in ons Emma ‘Emma, our consanguineous family member’. This use of ons ‘our’ has some remarkable properties: It is incompatible with adjectival modification and contrastive stress. These properties are shared with a construction from Standard Dutch: complex prenominal s- possessors consisting of the 1st person…
Aspect, evidentiality, and mirativity
The interpretation of [+distal] in demonstratives and complementizers
This article argues that the [+distal] feature of demonstrative that is also present in complementizer that, and has not bleached away. In particular, we argue that complementizer that is referential: it refers to an element in the Shared Discourse Space (an extension of the Common Ground) that can be seen as distal. This allows us to explain (i) that direct speech patterns with [−distal] (Sue said this/#that: "It is raining") while indirect spee…
Formalizing spatial-causal polysemy of Agent prepositions
Current formal approaches to by-phrases in passives analyze the Agent preposition by as semantically vacuous: the denotation of by is merely such that its argument fulfills the same function as the external argument in the corresponding active sentence. This leads to a view of agentive by as essentially homonymous with spatial and temporal by. We argue, on the basis of work in the cognitive linguistic tradition and a new analysis of the French Ag…
Philosophy (14 works) · Linguistics (13 works) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (10 works) · Computer Science (9 works) · Philosophy (6 works) · Natural Language Processing Techniques (4 works) · Psychology (4 works) · Linguistics and Discourse Analysis (3 works) · Mathematics (3 works) · Physics (3 works)