Chris Golston
Biographic Data
| ID | 755775 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Chris Golston |
| GIVEN NAMES | Chris |
| FAMILY NAME | Golston |
| SIGNATURE | GOLSTON C |
| AFFILIATIONS | California State University, Fresno |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-0513-5946 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 17 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 42 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 17 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 1989 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2023 |
| H-INDEX | 4 |
Ancient Greek Pitch Accent, Not Stress
Ancient Greek accent involves both stress and tone (Allen 1973, Steriade 1988). We present here a new piece of evidence for the details of the tonal part, based on a lowering process whereby a H tone on the final TBU of a word lowers if the word is followed by another tonic word: H...H → L...H. This is essentially what is reported for Rimi, a Tanzanian Bantu language, where HH loses the first of its H tones (Olson 1964, ‘Anti-Meeussen’s Rule’). I…
Diphthongs are micro-feet
In this paper we look at prominence in diphthongs and argue that diphthongs are structured in the same way metrical feet are. We propose a set of OT constraints that generates a typology of micro-feet. These are either iambic or trochaic or they are quality/sonority-sensitive with default to iamb or trochee in case of sonority plateaus (i.e., ui and iu). Crucially, we did not find any language with quantity-sensitive micro-feet. This gap is expla…
Phonological constituents and their movement in Latin
We document a fronting process in Latin that is difficult to model as syntactic movement but fairly easy to model as phonological movement. Movement with similar properties has been observed elsewhere in Classical Greek, Russian, Irish and Japanese; we suggest that the Latin movement is of the same type and takes place in the phonological component of the grammar, following the mapping from syntactic to prosodic structure
Phonological Movement in Ukrainian
Extant accounts of scrambling in Ukrainian generally don’t extend past object- and other NP-related processes (Féry et al. 2007, Mykhaylyk 2010). Analysis of Slavic scrambling as XP movement (Corver 1992, Bošković 2005) runs into problems with split constituency, as does OT syntax (Gouskova 2001). Remnant movement (Sekerina 1997, Bašić 2004) runs afoul of Slavic data and theory too (Pereltsvaig 2008, Kariaeva 2009). Analyses that mix syntax with …
Syntactic and prosodic scrambling in Japanese
Phonological movement in Classical Greek
We show that Classical Greek HYPERBATON involves pervasive phonological movement. Hyperbaton moves prosodic constituents to prosodic positions, subject to prosodic boundaries and to prosodic conditions on well-formedness. Syntactic analyses of hyperbaton fail insofar as they require the movement of heads, phrases, and nonconstituents to positions that are difficult to define syntactically. Furthermore, hyperbaton disobeys anti-locality constraint…
The phonology of Greek lyric meter
The meter of Greek lyric poetry shows great variation within and between lines regarding the shape, number and combinations of basic metrical units. We offer a simplifying analysis in terms of markedness, in which meters are defined by distinctive violations of linguistic constraints controlling rhythm, layering, binarity, and alignment. The constraints that are distinctively violated in meter are low ranked in the phonology of Greek
A prosodic theory of laryngeal contrasts
Current models of laryngeal licensing allow as many laryngeal contrasts within a syllable as there are segments, at least in principle. We show here that natural languages are much more economical in their use of laryngeal contrasts than segmental models would lead us to expect. Specifically, we show that voicing, aspiration and glottalisation occur at most once per onset, nucleus or coda in a given language, and that the order in which they are …
The Evolution of Hierarchical Structure in Language
The phonology of Classical Greek meter
We propose an analysis of Greek meter based purely on phonology and the idea that well-formedness in meter is largely gradient, rather than absolute. Our analysis is surface-true, constraint-based and nonderivational, in line with proposals like optimality theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993). The discussion centers on two properties of meter, rhythm (dactylic, anapestic, iambic ...) and line length (hexameter, pentameter, tetrameter ...). Unmarked…
The structure of the German root
This is a post-print of an article published by De Gruyter in Phonology and Morphology of the Germanic Languages on 1998-10, available online: http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466364.
Constraint-Based Metrics
Mazatec Onsets and Nuclei
From International Journal of American Linguistics by University of Chicago Press on 1998-10, available online: http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466364. ?? 1998 by The University of Chicago
The phonology of classical Arabic meter
From Linguistics, Vol. 35(1), pp. 111-132, available online: http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling.1997.35.1.111. Copyright ?? 1997 by De Gruyter
Direct Optimality Theory
From Language, Vol. 72(4), pp. 713-748, available online: http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416100. Copyright ?? 1996 by Linguistic Society of America
Syntax outranks phonology
What influence do syntax and phonology have on one another ? Two types of answer to this question appear in the literature. The consensus view is probably best expressed by Zwicky & Pullum (1986) (see also Myers 1987; Vogel & Kenesei 1990), who claim that the relation is one-way: although phonological phrasing above the word is affected by syntactic structure, syntax itself is phonology-free
Clitics in Homeric Greek
Proceedings of the Fifteenth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (1989), pp. 346-355
Direct Optimality Theory
From Language, Vol. 72(4), pp. 713-748, available online: http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416100. Copyright ?? 1996 by Linguistic Society of America
Phonological movement in Classical Greek
We show that Classical Greek HYPERBATON involves pervasive phonological movement. Hyperbaton moves prosodic constituents to prosodic positions, subject to prosodic boundaries and to prosodic conditions on well-formedness. Syntactic analyses of hyperbaton fail insofar as they require the movement of heads, phrases, and nonconstituents to positions that are difficult to define syntactically. Furthermore, hyperbaton disobeys anti-locality constraint…
Syntactic and prosodic scrambling in Japanese
The phonology of Classical Greek meter
We propose an analysis of Greek meter based purely on phonology and the idea that well-formedness in meter is largely gradient, rather than absolute. Our analysis is surface-true, constraint-based and nonderivational, in line with proposals like optimality theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993). The discussion centers on two properties of meter, rhythm (dactylic, anapestic, iambic ...) and line length (hexameter, pentameter, tetrameter ...). Unmarked…
The phonology of Greek lyric meter
The meter of Greek lyric poetry shows great variation within and between lines regarding the shape, number and combinations of basic metrical units. We offer a simplifying analysis in terms of markedness, in which meters are defined by distinctive violations of linguistic constraints controlling rhythm, layering, binarity, and alignment. The constraints that are distinctively violated in meter are low ranked in the phonology of Greek
Mazatec Onsets and Nuclei
From International Journal of American Linguistics by University of Chicago Press on 1998-10, available online: http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466364. ?? 1998 by The University of Chicago
The phonology of classical Arabic meter
From Linguistics, Vol. 35(1), pp. 111-132, available online: http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling.1997.35.1.111. Copyright ?? 1997 by De Gruyter
Clitics in Homeric Greek
Proceedings of the Fifteenth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (1989), pp. 346-355
Syntax outranks phonology
What influence do syntax and phonology have on one another ? Two types of answer to this question appear in the literature. The consensus view is probably best expressed by Zwicky & Pullum (1986) (see also Myers 1987; Vogel & Kenesei 1990), who claim that the relation is one-way: although phonological phrasing above the word is affected by syntactic structure, syntax itself is phonology-free
Direct Optimality Theory
From Language, Vol. 72(4), pp. 713-748, available online: http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416100. Copyright ?? 1996 by Linguistic Society of America
The phonology of classical Arabic meter
From Linguistics, Vol. 35(1), pp. 111-132, available online: http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling.1997.35.1.111. Copyright ?? 1997 by De Gruyter
The structure of the German root
This is a post-print of an article published by De Gruyter in Phonology and Morphology of the Germanic Languages on 1998-10, available online: http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466364.
Constraint-Based Metrics
Mazatec Onsets and Nuclei
From International Journal of American Linguistics by University of Chicago Press on 1998-10, available online: http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466364. ?? 1998 by The University of Chicago
The phonology of Classical Greek meter
We propose an analysis of Greek meter based purely on phonology and the idea that well-formedness in meter is largely gradient, rather than absolute. Our analysis is surface-true, constraint-based and nonderivational, in line with proposals like optimality theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993). The discussion centers on two properties of meter, rhythm (dactylic, anapestic, iambic ...) and line length (hexameter, pentameter, tetrameter ...). Unmarked…
A prosodic theory of laryngeal contrasts
Current models of laryngeal licensing allow as many laryngeal contrasts within a syllable as there are segments, at least in principle. We show here that natural languages are much more economical in their use of laryngeal contrasts than segmental models would lead us to expect. Specifically, we show that voicing, aspiration and glottalisation occur at most once per onset, nucleus or coda in a given language, and that the order in which they are …
The Evolution of Hierarchical Structure in Language
The phonology of Greek lyric meter
The meter of Greek lyric poetry shows great variation within and between lines regarding the shape, number and combinations of basic metrical units. We offer a simplifying analysis in terms of markedness, in which meters are defined by distinctive violations of linguistic constraints controlling rhythm, layering, binarity, and alignment. The constraints that are distinctively violated in meter are low ranked in the phonology of Greek
Phonological movement in Classical Greek
We show that Classical Greek HYPERBATON involves pervasive phonological movement. Hyperbaton moves prosodic constituents to prosodic positions, subject to prosodic boundaries and to prosodic conditions on well-formedness. Syntactic analyses of hyperbaton fail insofar as they require the movement of heads, phrases, and nonconstituents to positions that are difficult to define syntactically. Furthermore, hyperbaton disobeys anti-locality constraint…
Syntactic and prosodic scrambling in Japanese
Phonological constituents and their movement in Latin
We document a fronting process in Latin that is difficult to model as syntactic movement but fairly easy to model as phonological movement. Movement with similar properties has been observed elsewhere in Classical Greek, Russian, Irish and Japanese; we suggest that the Latin movement is of the same type and takes place in the phonological component of the grammar, following the mapping from syntactic to prosodic structure
Phonological Movement in Ukrainian
Extant accounts of scrambling in Ukrainian generally don’t extend past object- and other NP-related processes (Féry et al. 2007, Mykhaylyk 2010). Analysis of Slavic scrambling as XP movement (Corver 1992, Bošković 2005) runs into problems with split constituency, as does OT syntax (Gouskova 2001). Remnant movement (Sekerina 1997, Bašić 2004) runs afoul of Slavic data and theory too (Pereltsvaig 2008, Kariaeva 2009). Analyses that mix syntax with …
Diphthongs are micro-feet
In this paper we look at prominence in diphthongs and argue that diphthongs are structured in the same way metrical feet are. We propose a set of OT constraints that generates a typology of micro-feet. These are either iambic or trochaic or they are quality/sonority-sensitive with default to iamb or trochee in case of sonority plateaus (i.e., ui and iu). Crucially, we did not find any language with quantity-sensitive micro-feet. This gap is expla…
Ancient Greek Pitch Accent, Not Stress
Ancient Greek accent involves both stress and tone (Allen 1973, Steriade 1988). We present here a new piece of evidence for the details of the tonal part, based on a lowering process whereby a H tone on the final TBU of a word lowers if the word is followed by another tonic word: H...H → L...H. This is essentially what is reported for Rimi, a Tanzanian Bantu language, where HH loses the first of its H tones (Olson 1964, ‘Anti-Meeussen’s Rule’). I…
Linguistics (16 works) · Philosophy (16 works) · Phonetics and Phonology Research (13 works) · Phonology (10 works) · Computer Science (9 works) · Linguistics and language evolution (7 works) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (7 works) · Art (6 works) · Natural Language Processing Techniques (6 works) · History (4 works)