Peter Luca Versteegen
Biographic Data
| ID | 770036 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Peter Luca Versteegen |
| GIVEN NAMES | Peter Luca |
| FAMILY NAME | Versteegen |
| SIGNATURE | VERSTEEGEN P L |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Vienna |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-8562-5442 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 9 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 29 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 9 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2023 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 3 |
Cool Citizens? How Affectively Unpolarized Citizens View and Participate in Democracy
Does affective polarization change how citizens view and participate in democracy? We posit that the answer to this crucial question depends on how affectively un polarized citizens view and participate in democracy. Yet, the most common operationalization of affective polarization––measuring sympathy ratings for one party relative to another––does not differentiate between people’s absolute sympathy ratings for the parties, which may mask essent…
How does affective polarization feel? A comparative description
Affective polarization has become a central concept to explain how citizens think and behave in Western democracies. However, while research has made great progress studying the causes, consequences, and remedies of this concept, we know surprisingly little about how affective polarization actually feels. This research note contributes to recent efforts to characterize affective polarization with specific emotions. Drawing on cross-sectional data…
More than just belonging? Uniqueness’ role in inclusion experiences
Inclusion experiences are central to an individual’s well-being, but when do individuals feel included? Does it suffice to belong to the larger group (e.g., a work team or society), or do individuals also need to feel unique within that group, as optimal distinctiveness research would suggest? In this paper, we examine whether feeling unique improves an individual’s well-being beyond belonging only. Two correlational studies with Europe-based emp…
Trump Voters' social position in U.S. Society
Previous research portrays radical‐right voters as economically, geographically, or politically marginalized. However, it seems implausible that these self‐perceived ordinary people —often overrepresenting historically powerful majorities (Whites, men, Christians)—are also socially marginalized. In the present article, I theorize why they may still feel socially excluded: Optimal distinctiveness research posits that individuals feel included in s…
E Pluribus Whom? The Limitations of American Identity in Reducing Racial Conflict
When diversification becomes salient, a sizable share of white Americans experiences status threat and reacts with backlash. In this paper, we argue that status threat arises because white Americans tend to perceive racial minorities as competing outgroups, not as fellow Americans. Building on recent research suggesting that shared American identity primes can reduce partisan conflict, we test whether reminders of a shared American identity may r…
Perceiving opponents as self-disclosing bridges partisan divides
Political polarization is driving disconnection and animosity between opponents in the United States. We propose perceiving opponents as self-disclosing helps foster connection and reduce animosity. Building on research demonstrating that self-disclosure fosters interpersonal relationships, we test whether vignettes expressing political views that seem self-disclosing increase connection, respect, and willingness to interact among opponents. Acro…
Those were the what? Contents of nostalgia, relative deprivation and radical right support
Recent research suggests that emotions are a central motivation for radical right voting. One emotion that has gained particular interest is nostalgia: Radical right politicians use nostalgic rhetoric, and feeling nostalgic is associated with radical right support. However, while nostalgia is widely and frequently experienced, previous work differentiates personal contents of nostalgia (e.g., childhood) from group‐based contents (e.g., traditions…
We love, they hate
What emotions do affectively polarized individuals report, and how? While affect is a broad term, research suggests that different emotions predict distinct political behaviors. Therefore, it is vital to understand what emotions partisans report. However, as research on motivated reasoning suggests that people process information consistent with their partisan mind, I argue that they may not necessarily report the emotions they feel. Instead, the…
The excluded ordinary? A theory of populist radical right supporters’ position in society
Populist Radical Right (PRR) supporters see themselves as ordinary people , represent a broad societal spectrum, and overrepresent historically powerful majorities (e.g., whites, men). Simultaneously, members of these groups increasingly feel neglected or discriminated against. In article, I argue that some PRR supporters may feel excluded from society despite seeing themselves as ordinary people . Optimal Distinctiveness Theory posits that indiv…
Those were the what? Contents of nostalgia, relative deprivation and radical right support
Recent research suggests that emotions are a central motivation for radical right voting. One emotion that has gained particular interest is nostalgia: Radical right politicians use nostalgic rhetoric, and feeling nostalgic is associated with radical right support. However, while nostalgia is widely and frequently experienced, previous work differentiates personal contents of nostalgia (e.g., childhood) from group‐based contents (e.g., traditions…
We love, they hate
What emotions do affectively polarized individuals report, and how? While affect is a broad term, research suggests that different emotions predict distinct political behaviors. Therefore, it is vital to understand what emotions partisans report. However, as research on motivated reasoning suggests that people process information consistent with their partisan mind, I argue that they may not necessarily report the emotions they feel. Instead, the…
The excluded ordinary? A theory of populist radical right supporters’ position in society
Populist Radical Right (PRR) supporters see themselves as ordinary people , represent a broad societal spectrum, and overrepresent historically powerful majorities (e.g., whites, men). Simultaneously, members of these groups increasingly feel neglected or discriminated against. In article, I argue that some PRR supporters may feel excluded from society despite seeing themselves as ordinary people . Optimal Distinctiveness Theory posits that indiv…
Trump Voters' social position in U.S. Society
Previous research portrays radical‐right voters as economically, geographically, or politically marginalized. However, it seems implausible that these self‐perceived ordinary people —often overrepresenting historically powerful majorities (Whites, men, Christians)—are also socially marginalized. In the present article, I theorize why they may still feel socially excluded: Optimal distinctiveness research posits that individuals feel included in s…
E Pluribus Whom? The Limitations of American Identity in Reducing Racial Conflict
When diversification becomes salient, a sizable share of white Americans experiences status threat and reacts with backlash. In this paper, we argue that status threat arises because white Americans tend to perceive racial minorities as competing outgroups, not as fellow Americans. Building on recent research suggesting that shared American identity primes can reduce partisan conflict, we test whether reminders of a shared American identity may r…
Perceiving opponents as self-disclosing bridges partisan divides
Political polarization is driving disconnection and animosity between opponents in the United States. We propose perceiving opponents as self-disclosing helps foster connection and reduce animosity. Building on research demonstrating that self-disclosure fosters interpersonal relationships, we test whether vignettes expressing political views that seem self-disclosing increase connection, respect, and willingness to interact among opponents. Acro…
The excluded ordinary? A theory of populist radical right supporters’ position in society
Populist Radical Right (PRR) supporters see themselves as ordinary people , represent a broad societal spectrum, and overrepresent historically powerful majorities (e.g., whites, men). Simultaneously, members of these groups increasingly feel neglected or discriminated against. In article, I argue that some PRR supporters may feel excluded from society despite seeing themselves as ordinary people . Optimal Distinctiveness Theory posits that indiv…
Those were the what? Contents of nostalgia, relative deprivation and radical right support
Recent research suggests that emotions are a central motivation for radical right voting. One emotion that has gained particular interest is nostalgia: Radical right politicians use nostalgic rhetoric, and feeling nostalgic is associated with radical right support. However, while nostalgia is widely and frequently experienced, previous work differentiates personal contents of nostalgia (e.g., childhood) from group‐based contents (e.g., traditions…
We love, they hate
What emotions do affectively polarized individuals report, and how? While affect is a broad term, research suggests that different emotions predict distinct political behaviors. Therefore, it is vital to understand what emotions partisans report. However, as research on motivated reasoning suggests that people process information consistent with their partisan mind, I argue that they may not necessarily report the emotions they feel. Instead, the…
More than just belonging? Uniqueness’ role in inclusion experiences
Inclusion experiences are central to an individual’s well-being, but when do individuals feel included? Does it suffice to belong to the larger group (e.g., a work team or society), or do individuals also need to feel unique within that group, as optimal distinctiveness research would suggest? In this paper, we examine whether feeling unique improves an individual’s well-being beyond belonging only. Two correlational studies with Europe-based emp…
Trump Voters' social position in U.S. Society
Previous research portrays radical‐right voters as economically, geographically, or politically marginalized. However, it seems implausible that these self‐perceived ordinary people —often overrepresenting historically powerful majorities (Whites, men, Christians)—are also socially marginalized. In the present article, I theorize why they may still feel socially excluded: Optimal distinctiveness research posits that individuals feel included in s…
E Pluribus Whom? The Limitations of American Identity in Reducing Racial Conflict
When diversification becomes salient, a sizable share of white Americans experiences status threat and reacts with backlash. In this paper, we argue that status threat arises because white Americans tend to perceive racial minorities as competing outgroups, not as fellow Americans. Building on recent research suggesting that shared American identity primes can reduce partisan conflict, we test whether reminders of a shared American identity may r…
Perceiving opponents as self-disclosing bridges partisan divides
Political polarization is driving disconnection and animosity between opponents in the United States. We propose perceiving opponents as self-disclosing helps foster connection and reduce animosity. Building on research demonstrating that self-disclosure fosters interpersonal relationships, we test whether vignettes expressing political views that seem self-disclosing increase connection, respect, and willingness to interact among opponents. Acro…
Cool Citizens? How Affectively Unpolarized Citizens View and Participate in Democracy
Does affective polarization change how citizens view and participate in democracy? We posit that the answer to this crucial question depends on how affectively un polarized citizens view and participate in democracy. Yet, the most common operationalization of affective polarization––measuring sympathy ratings for one party relative to another––does not differentiate between people’s absolute sympathy ratings for the parties, which may mask essent…
How does affective polarization feel? A comparative description
Affective polarization has become a central concept to explain how citizens think and behave in Western democracies. However, while research has made great progress studying the causes, consequences, and remedies of this concept, we know surprisingly little about how affective polarization actually feels. This research note contributes to recent efforts to characterize affective polarization with specific emotions. Drawing on cross-sectional data…
Psychology (8 works) · Social Psychology (7 works) · Social Psychology (6 works) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (5 works) · Political science (5 works) · Populism, Right-Wing Movements (5 works) · Law (4 works) · Politics (4 works) · Law (3 works) · Social Media and Politics (3 works)