Brian Agbayani
Biographic Data
| ID | 784785 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Brian Agbayani |
| GIVEN NAMES | Brian |
| FAMILY NAME | Agbayani |
| SIGNATURE | AGBAYANI B |
| AFFILIATIONS | California State University, Fresno |
| ORCID | 0000-0003-1616-3771 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 7 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 17 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 7 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2000 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2026 |
| H-INDEX | 3 |
Multiple Argument Ellipsis and the Universal Uniqueness Principle
This paper is concerned with a peculiar asymmetry between single and multiple argument ellipsis in Japanese: ellipsis of a single argument is sensitive to syntactic constraints and LF interpretive effects, whereas multiple argument ellipsis is not. We point out that argument ellipsis and topicalization are parallel in this respect: while single topicalization obeys syntactic constraints and exhibits LF interpretive effects, multiple topicalizatio…
Split Lexical Insertion in Parasitic Gap Constructions
We propose to extend the feature movement theory (Chomsky 1995; Ochi 1999; Lasnik 1999, 2001; Agbayani 1998, 2000, 2006; Agbayani & Ochi 2006) by claiming that the separation of formal features (FF) from the rest of a lexical item occurs not only in syntactic movement but also in the course of lexical insertion. Applying this hypothesis to Parasitic Gap constructions, we argue that the FF and the rest of the lexical item are merged into the Paras…
Phonological constituents and their movement in Latin
We document a fronting process in Latin that is difficult to model as syntactic movement but fairly easy to model as phonological movement. Movement with similar properties has been observed elsewhere in Classical Greek, Russian, Irish and Japanese; we suggest that the Latin movement is of the same type and takes place in the phonological component of the grammar, following the mapping from syntactic to prosodic structure
Phonological Movement in Ukrainian
Extant accounts of scrambling in Ukrainian generally don’t extend past object- and other NP-related processes (Féry et al. 2007, Mykhaylyk 2010). Analysis of Slavic scrambling as XP movement (Corver 1992, Bošković 2005) runs into problems with split constituency, as does OT syntax (Gouskova 2001). Remnant movement (Sekerina 1997, Bašić 2004) runs afoul of Slavic data and theory too (Pereltsvaig 2008, Kariaeva 2009). Analyses that mix syntax with …
Syntactic and prosodic scrambling in Japanese
Phonological movement in Classical Greek
We show that Classical Greek HYPERBATON involves pervasive phonological movement. Hyperbaton moves prosodic constituents to prosodic positions, subject to prosodic boundaries and to prosodic conditions on well-formedness. Syntactic analyses of hyperbaton fail insofar as they require the movement of heads, phrases, and nonconstituents to positions that are difficult to define syntactically. Furthermore, hyperbaton disobeys anti-locality constraint…
Wh-Subjects in English and the Vacuous Movement Hypothesis
In this squib I consider the Vacuous Movement Hypothesis (henceforth VMH), the notion that in English local overt wh-movement takes place except for subjects (George 1980, Chomsky 1986). There is considerable evidence that a wh-subject does not move locally to [Spec, CP] in English. However, the notion that overt wh-movement in English involves feature licensing/clausal typing with C (Rizzi 1996, Cheng 1991) implies that even in the case of wh-su…
Phonological movement in Classical Greek
We show that Classical Greek HYPERBATON involves pervasive phonological movement. Hyperbaton moves prosodic constituents to prosodic positions, subject to prosodic boundaries and to prosodic conditions on well-formedness. Syntactic analyses of hyperbaton fail insofar as they require the movement of heads, phrases, and nonconstituents to positions that are difficult to define syntactically. Furthermore, hyperbaton disobeys anti-locality constraint…
Syntactic and prosodic scrambling in Japanese
Wh-Subjects in English and the Vacuous Movement Hypothesis
In this squib I consider the Vacuous Movement Hypothesis (henceforth VMH), the notion that in English local overt wh-movement takes place except for subjects (George 1980, Chomsky 1986). There is considerable evidence that a wh-subject does not move locally to [Spec, CP] in English. However, the notion that overt wh-movement in English involves feature licensing/clausal typing with C (Rizzi 1996, Cheng 1991) implies that even in the case of wh-su…
Wh-Subjects in English and the Vacuous Movement Hypothesis
In this squib I consider the Vacuous Movement Hypothesis (henceforth VMH), the notion that in English local overt wh-movement takes place except for subjects (George 1980, Chomsky 1986). There is considerable evidence that a wh-subject does not move locally to [Spec, CP] in English. However, the notion that overt wh-movement in English involves feature licensing/clausal typing with C (Rizzi 1996, Cheng 1991) implies that even in the case of wh-su…
Phonological movement in Classical Greek
We show that Classical Greek HYPERBATON involves pervasive phonological movement. Hyperbaton moves prosodic constituents to prosodic positions, subject to prosodic boundaries and to prosodic conditions on well-formedness. Syntactic analyses of hyperbaton fail insofar as they require the movement of heads, phrases, and nonconstituents to positions that are difficult to define syntactically. Furthermore, hyperbaton disobeys anti-locality constraint…
Syntactic and prosodic scrambling in Japanese
Phonological constituents and their movement in Latin
We document a fronting process in Latin that is difficult to model as syntactic movement but fairly easy to model as phonological movement. Movement with similar properties has been observed elsewhere in Classical Greek, Russian, Irish and Japanese; we suggest that the Latin movement is of the same type and takes place in the phonological component of the grammar, following the mapping from syntactic to prosodic structure
Phonological Movement in Ukrainian
Extant accounts of scrambling in Ukrainian generally don’t extend past object- and other NP-related processes (Féry et al. 2007, Mykhaylyk 2010). Analysis of Slavic scrambling as XP movement (Corver 1992, Bošković 2005) runs into problems with split constituency, as does OT syntax (Gouskova 2001). Remnant movement (Sekerina 1997, Bašić 2004) runs afoul of Slavic data and theory too (Pereltsvaig 2008, Kariaeva 2009). Analyses that mix syntax with …
Split Lexical Insertion in Parasitic Gap Constructions
We propose to extend the feature movement theory (Chomsky 1995; Ochi 1999; Lasnik 1999, 2001; Agbayani 1998, 2000, 2006; Agbayani & Ochi 2006) by claiming that the separation of formal features (FF) from the rest of a lexical item occurs not only in syntactic movement but also in the course of lexical insertion. Applying this hypothesis to Parasitic Gap constructions, we argue that the FF and the rest of the lexical item are merged into the Paras…
Multiple Argument Ellipsis and the Universal Uniqueness Principle
This paper is concerned with a peculiar asymmetry between single and multiple argument ellipsis in Japanese: ellipsis of a single argument is sensitive to syntactic constraints and LF interpretive effects, whereas multiple argument ellipsis is not. We point out that argument ellipsis and topicalization are parallel in this respect: while single topicalization obeys syntactic constraints and exhibits LF interpretive effects, multiple topicalizatio…
Linguistics (6 works) · Philosophy (6 works) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (6 works) · Computer Science (5 works) · Phonetics and Phonology Research (4 works) · Syntax (4 works) · Movement (music) (3 works) · Natural Language Processing Techniques (3 works) · Phonology (3 works) · Physics (3 works)