Björn Köhnlein
Biographic Data
| ID | 786322 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Björn Köhnlein |
| GIVEN NAMES | Björn |
| FAMILY NAME | Köhnlein |
| SIGNATURE | KÖHNLEIN B |
| AFFILIATIONS | The Ohio State University |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-0583-5061 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 14 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 1 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 13 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 1 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2013 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2025 |
| H-INDEX | 1 |
It’s all a matter of timing: How some Dutch and German varieties developed tonal contrasts
Certain varieties in the Dutch and German language area distinguish two groups of words on the basis of different tonal melodies, a phenomenon called (Franconian) tonal accent. Despite extensive efforts, scholars are still far from reaching consensus on how this contrast may have developed. We show how both the accent genesis and distributional variation across dialects can be modeled by assuming that intrinsic durational differences between two …
What word-prosodic typology is missing: Motivating foot structure as an analytical tool for syllable-internal prosodic oppositions
A notoriously contested subarea of phonological typology is word-prosodic typology, which governs suprasegmental structure (such as tone, syllable structure and stress) at the word level. Within word-prosodic typology, it is widely recognized that some languages have so-called stress systems while others have lexical-tone systems. Other languages appear to have intermediate systems, with properties of both stress and lexically contrastive tone. C…
North Germanic Tonal Accent is Equipollent and Metrical: Evidence from Compounding
For the North Germanic opposition between two tonal accents, it has been claimed that Accent 2 has a lexical tone, that Accent 1 has a lexical tone, that both accents are marked tonally in the lexicon, or that the accent opposition is based on two types of feet. Based on evidence from compounding, we argue that the opposition between Accent 1 and Accent 2 is equipollent, and that this is best expressed in a foot-based approach since each lexical …
Variation in Mainland Scandinavian Object Shift: A Prosodic Analysis
Despite decades of research, debate continues over the analysis of Object Shift in Mainland Scandinavian, and all syntactic and information-structural accounts have run into empirical and/or conceptual problems. We argue that this debate can be resolved by recognizing that Object Shift is, in fact, a prosodic phenomenon. Our analysis builds on the observation that varieties with optional Object Shift (most Swedish dialects, South Danish dialects …
Why metrical approaches to tonal accent are worth pursuing
Unlike existing analyses with lexical tone, metrical foot-based approaches to tonal accent in Franconian not only focus on an explicit analysis of the tonal contours, but are also equipped to account formally for morphological alternations and other predictable correlates. Examples are interactions of tonal accent with duration, vowel and consonant quality. The existence of such additional correlates is in line with a foot-based analysis, since i…
Restricting the Power of Cophonologies: A Representational Solution to Stem Allomorphy in Uspanteko
In Uspanteko, a Mayan language spoken in Guatemala, certain possessive prefixes lead to variation in stress and pitch accent and can sometimes trigger vowel length alternations or consonant deletion in roots. We argue that this complex pattern of stem allomorphy can be successfully analyzed within a morpheme-based model of morphology given two assumptions: i. underlying representations can contain metrical templates (e.g. Saba Kirchner 2013, Iosa…
Lexical tone or foot structure in Hong Kong English? A response to Lian-Hee Wee
As is common in work on prosodic typology, the notions ‘tone’ and ‘stress’ play a key role in Wee's 2016 study of the tone system of Hong Kong English (HKE). Based on the absence of phonetic correlates of stress and the distribution of tone in polysyllabic words, Wee claims that HKE must have lexical (high) tone. In this reply, we argue that, even in the absence of phonetic correlates of stress, foot structure provides a more parsimonious account…
Apparent exceptions to final devoicing in High Prussian: A metrical analysis
High Prussian, a variety of East Central German, has a segmentally opaque process of final devoicing: Only some forms with underlyingly voiced obstruents devoice at the end of a word. This phenomenon can also be observed in some morphological alternations where simplex forms show final devoicing but complex ones do not. This paper provides a metrical analysis of final devoicing and two related phenomena: spirantization, and an interaction of vowe…
A morpheme-based approach to subtractive pluralisation in German dialects
Various German dialects delete certain word-final plosives in plural forms (e.g. [hʊnt] ‘dog’ vs. [hʊn] ‘dogs’). I claim that this type of subtractive pluralisation is best analysed as an epiphenomenon resulting from the affixation of a disyllabic trochaic foot. This metrical template can create word-final empty-headed syllables; subtraction targets the onset of these syllables. Independent evidence comes from related phenomena, for the first tim…
Segmental Structure and Tone
Contrastive foot structure in Franconian tone-accent dialects
Franconian has a contrast between two tone accents, commonly referred to as Accent 1 and Accent 2. Traditional autosegmental analyses of the phenomenon suggest that this opposition derives from the presence of lexical tone. In contrast to this ‘tonal approach’, I argue that the Franconian accent contrast is based on contrastive foot structure – there is no tone in the lexicon. This ‘metrical approach’ not only accounts for the tonal differences b…
A tonal semi-reversal in Franconian dialects: Rule A vs. Rule B
This paper examines the genesis of a tonal semi-reversal in Franconian tone accent dialects, the so-called Rule A vs. Rule B. Contrary to the traditional assumption, the reversal takes place only under declarative intonation, but not in interrogatives. To account for the semi-reversal, I provide a scenario in which Rule A and Rule B derive from a common predecessor system, which I refer to as Rule 0. These novel findings have important consequenc…
The complex durational relationship of contour tones and level tones: Evidence from diachrony
The production of a contour tone requires a longer duration than the production of a level tone. This paper demonstrates that this durational relationship becomes considerably more complex when tones are realized on bimoraic sonorant units that can support both level tones and contour tones. Evidence comes from diachronic processes in which pitch and duration interact. In languages where (intrinsic) durational differences between two groups of bi…
Optimizing the relation between tone and prominence: Evidence from Franconian, Scandinavian, and Serbo-Croatian tone accent systems
Optimizing the relation between tone and prominence: Evidence from Franconian, Scandinavian, and Serbo-Croatian tone accent systems
A tonal semi-reversal in Franconian dialects: Rule A vs. Rule B
This paper examines the genesis of a tonal semi-reversal in Franconian tone accent dialects, the so-called Rule A vs. Rule B. Contrary to the traditional assumption, the reversal takes place only under declarative intonation, but not in interrogatives. To account for the semi-reversal, I provide a scenario in which Rule A and Rule B derive from a common predecessor system, which I refer to as Rule 0. These novel findings have important consequenc…
The complex durational relationship of contour tones and level tones: Evidence from diachrony
The production of a contour tone requires a longer duration than the production of a level tone. This paper demonstrates that this durational relationship becomes considerably more complex when tones are realized on bimoraic sonorant units that can support both level tones and contour tones. Evidence comes from diachronic processes in which pitch and duration interact. In languages where (intrinsic) durational differences between two groups of bi…
Contrastive foot structure in Franconian tone-accent dialects
Franconian has a contrast between two tone accents, commonly referred to as Accent 1 and Accent 2. Traditional autosegmental analyses of the phenomenon suggest that this opposition derives from the presence of lexical tone. In contrast to this ‘tonal approach’, I argue that the Franconian accent contrast is based on contrastive foot structure – there is no tone in the lexicon. This ‘metrical approach’ not only accounts for the tonal differences b…
Segmental Structure and Tone
Apparent exceptions to final devoicing in High Prussian: A metrical analysis
High Prussian, a variety of East Central German, has a segmentally opaque process of final devoicing: Only some forms with underlyingly voiced obstruents devoice at the end of a word. This phenomenon can also be observed in some morphological alternations where simplex forms show final devoicing but complex ones do not. This paper provides a metrical analysis of final devoicing and two related phenomena: spirantization, and an interaction of vowe…
A morpheme-based approach to subtractive pluralisation in German dialects
Various German dialects delete certain word-final plosives in plural forms (e.g. [hʊnt] ‘dog’ vs. [hʊn] ‘dogs’). I claim that this type of subtractive pluralisation is best analysed as an epiphenomenon resulting from the affixation of a disyllabic trochaic foot. This metrical template can create word-final empty-headed syllables; subtraction targets the onset of these syllables. Independent evidence comes from related phenomena, for the first tim…
Why metrical approaches to tonal accent are worth pursuing
Unlike existing analyses with lexical tone, metrical foot-based approaches to tonal accent in Franconian not only focus on an explicit analysis of the tonal contours, but are also equipped to account formally for morphological alternations and other predictable correlates. Examples are interactions of tonal accent with duration, vowel and consonant quality. The existence of such additional correlates is in line with a foot-based analysis, since i…
Restricting the Power of Cophonologies: A Representational Solution to Stem Allomorphy in Uspanteko
In Uspanteko, a Mayan language spoken in Guatemala, certain possessive prefixes lead to variation in stress and pitch accent and can sometimes trigger vowel length alternations or consonant deletion in roots. We argue that this complex pattern of stem allomorphy can be successfully analyzed within a morpheme-based model of morphology given two assumptions: i. underlying representations can contain metrical templates (e.g. Saba Kirchner 2013, Iosa…
Lexical tone or foot structure in Hong Kong English? A response to Lian-Hee Wee
As is common in work on prosodic typology, the notions ‘tone’ and ‘stress’ play a key role in Wee's 2016 study of the tone system of Hong Kong English (HKE). Based on the absence of phonetic correlates of stress and the distribution of tone in polysyllabic words, Wee claims that HKE must have lexical (high) tone. In this reply, we argue that, even in the absence of phonetic correlates of stress, foot structure provides a more parsimonious account…
North Germanic Tonal Accent is Equipollent and Metrical: Evidence from Compounding
For the North Germanic opposition between two tonal accents, it has been claimed that Accent 2 has a lexical tone, that Accent 1 has a lexical tone, that both accents are marked tonally in the lexicon, or that the accent opposition is based on two types of feet. Based on evidence from compounding, we argue that the opposition between Accent 1 and Accent 2 is equipollent, and that this is best expressed in a foot-based approach since each lexical …
Variation in Mainland Scandinavian Object Shift: A Prosodic Analysis
Despite decades of research, debate continues over the analysis of Object Shift in Mainland Scandinavian, and all syntactic and information-structural accounts have run into empirical and/or conceptual problems. We argue that this debate can be resolved by recognizing that Object Shift is, in fact, a prosodic phenomenon. Our analysis builds on the observation that varieties with optional Object Shift (most Swedish dialects, South Danish dialects …
What word-prosodic typology is missing: Motivating foot structure as an analytical tool for syllable-internal prosodic oppositions
A notoriously contested subarea of phonological typology is word-prosodic typology, which governs suprasegmental structure (such as tone, syllable structure and stress) at the word level. Within word-prosodic typology, it is widely recognized that some languages have so-called stress systems while others have lexical-tone systems. Other languages appear to have intermediate systems, with properties of both stress and lexically contrastive tone. C…
It’s all a matter of timing: How some Dutch and German varieties developed tonal contrasts
Certain varieties in the Dutch and German language area distinguish two groups of words on the basis of different tonal melodies, a phenomenon called (Franconian) tonal accent. Despite extensive efforts, scholars are still far from reaching consensus on how this contrast may have developed. We show how both the accent genesis and distributional variation across dialects can be modeled by assuming that intrinsic durational differences between two …
Linguistics (14 works) · Phonetics and Phonology Research (14 works) · Linguistic Variation and Morphology (12 works) · Philosophy (12 works) · Psychology (9 works) · Computer Science (8 works) · History (7 works) · Linguistics and language evolution (7 works) · Phonology (6 works) · Artificial Intelligence (5 works)