Maria Kouneli
Biographic Data
| ID | 802059 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Maria Kouneli |
| GIVEN NAMES | Maria |
| FAMILY NAME | Kouneli |
| SIGNATURE | KOUNELI M |
| AFFILIATIONS | Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey |
| ORCID | 0000-0001-6942-8281 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 7 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 6 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 7 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2021 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2025 |
| H-INDEX | 2 |
Dominant domains in vowel harmony
In this paper, we make two main claims: (i) we claim that a proposed prefix-suffix asymmetry (the absence of dominant prefixes in bi-directional dominant-recessive vowel harmony systems) is in fact a special case of a broader generalization that should be stated in hierarchical terms (domains), not linear order (prefixes), (ii) we contend moreover that the relevant domains are best defined in morphosyntactic terms (the juncture between Aspect and…
C-Agree is local subject-verb agreement in Kipsigis
Upwards-oriented complementizer agreement raises questions about the directionality and locality of agreement. Based on novel data from original fieldwork, we argue that what has been described as an agreeing ‘say’-based complementizer in Kipsigis (Diercks and Rao 2019; Diercks et al. 2020) is the lexical verb ‘say,’ and what looks like C-Agree is in fact agreement between this verb and its locally introduced (often covert) subject. Our analysis …
Determiner spreading in Rukiga
Determiner spreading, the phenomenon whereby adnominal modifiers carry an ‘additional’ determiner, has been studied extensively for a variety of languages, most notably Greek, Semitic, and Scandinavian languages. Interestingly, the same phenomenon occurs in the Bantu language Rukiga. We show how the Rukiga augment is parallel to the Greek determiner in the context of modification, and how it triggers a restrictive reading when present on a larger…
Inflectional classes in Kipsigis
In this paper, I provide a description and analysis of conjugation classes in Kipsigis (Nilotic; Kenya). While traditional descriptions discuss two conjugation classes, I show that the morphophonological properties of Class II can be reduced to the presence of a moraic affix spelling out a verbalizing head (little v in theories like DM). On the semantic side, I show that Class II is primarily used for causative verbs, and I identify the verbalizi…
Number-based noun classification
Nilo-Saharan languages are well-known for their complicated system of nominal number marking, which features a variety of singulative and plural affixes (Dimmendaal 2000). Even though these systems have received some attention in the typological literature, there has been limited theoretical work on their implications for the morphosyntax of number cross-linguistically. The goal of this paper is to fill this gap, by providing an analysis of nomin…
Across-the-board tonal polarity in Kipsigis
Across-the-board tonal polarity in Kipsigis
Using novel data from Kipsigis (Southern Nilotic; Kenya), we present the first attested case of across-the-board paradigmatic tonal polarity. The nominative case forms of nominal modifiers (adjectives, possessives, and demonstratives) are segmentally identical to their oblique case counterparts but have the opposite tonal pattern across the board: nominative and oblique modifiers differ in not just one but EVERY tonal specification. Kipsigis pola…
Number-based noun classification
Nilo-Saharan languages are well-known for their complicated system of nominal number marking, which features a variety of singulative and plural affixes (Dimmendaal 2000). Even though these systems have received some attention in the typological literature, there has been limited theoretical work on their implications for the morphosyntax of number cross-linguistically. The goal of this paper is to fill this gap, by providing an analysis of nomin…
Across-the-board tonal polarity in Kipsigis
Using novel data from Kipsigis (Southern Nilotic; Kenya), we present the first attested case of across-the-board paradigmatic tonal polarity. The nominative case forms of nominal modifiers (adjectives, possessives, and demonstratives) are segmentally identical to their oblique case counterparts but have the opposite tonal pattern across the board: nominative and oblique modifiers differ in not just one but EVERY tonal specification. Kipsigis pola…
C-Agree is local subject-verb agreement in Kipsigis
Upwards-oriented complementizer agreement raises questions about the directionality and locality of agreement. Based on novel data from original fieldwork, we argue that what has been described as an agreeing ‘say’-based complementizer in Kipsigis (Diercks and Rao 2019; Diercks et al. 2020) is the lexical verb ‘say,’ and what looks like C-Agree is in fact agreement between this verb and its locally introduced (often covert) subject. Our analysis …
Number-based noun classification
Nilo-Saharan languages are well-known for their complicated system of nominal number marking, which features a variety of singulative and plural affixes (Dimmendaal 2000). Even though these systems have received some attention in the typological literature, there has been limited theoretical work on their implications for the morphosyntax of number cross-linguistically. The goal of this paper is to fill this gap, by providing an analysis of nomin…
Across-the-board tonal polarity in Kipsigis
Across-the-board tonal polarity in Kipsigis
Using novel data from Kipsigis (Southern Nilotic; Kenya), we present the first attested case of across-the-board paradigmatic tonal polarity. The nominative case forms of nominal modifiers (adjectives, possessives, and demonstratives) are segmentally identical to their oblique case counterparts but have the opposite tonal pattern across the board: nominative and oblique modifiers differ in not just one but EVERY tonal specification. Kipsigis pola…
Inflectional classes in Kipsigis
In this paper, I provide a description and analysis of conjugation classes in Kipsigis (Nilotic; Kenya). While traditional descriptions discuss two conjugation classes, I show that the morphophonological properties of Class II can be reduced to the presence of a moraic affix spelling out a verbalizing head (little v in theories like DM). On the semantic side, I show that Class II is primarily used for causative verbs, and I identify the verbalizi…
Determiner spreading in Rukiga
Determiner spreading, the phenomenon whereby adnominal modifiers carry an ‘additional’ determiner, has been studied extensively for a variety of languages, most notably Greek, Semitic, and Scandinavian languages. Interestingly, the same phenomenon occurs in the Bantu language Rukiga. We show how the Rukiga augment is parallel to the Greek determiner in the context of modification, and how it triggers a restrictive reading when present on a larger…
Dominant domains in vowel harmony
In this paper, we make two main claims: (i) we claim that a proposed prefix-suffix asymmetry (the absence of dominant prefixes in bi-directional dominant-recessive vowel harmony systems) is in fact a special case of a broader generalization that should be stated in hierarchical terms (domains), not linear order (prefixes), (ii) we contend moreover that the relevant domains are best defined in morphosyntactic terms (the juncture between Aspect and…
C-Agree is local subject-verb agreement in Kipsigis
Upwards-oriented complementizer agreement raises questions about the directionality and locality of agreement. Based on novel data from original fieldwork, we argue that what has been described as an agreeing ‘say’-based complementizer in Kipsigis (Diercks and Rao 2019; Diercks et al. 2020) is the lexical verb ‘say,’ and what looks like C-Agree is in fact agreement between this verb and its locally introduced (often covert) subject. Our analysis …
Computer Science (7 works) · Linguistics (7 works) · Philosophy (7 works) · Psychology (5 works) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (5 works) · Biology (4 works) · Mathematics (4 works) · Noun (3 works) · Phonetics and Phonology Research (3 works) · Phonology (3 works)