Boban Arsenijević
Datos Biográficos
| ID | 814979 |
|---|---|
| NOMBRE | Boban Arsenijević |
| NOMBRES | Boban |
| APELLIDO | Arsenijević |
| FIRMA | ARSENIJEVIĆ B |
| AFILIACIONES | University of Graz |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-1124-6319 |
| VERIFICADO | Sí |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 14 |
| TOTAL DE CITAS | 34 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 14 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMER AÑO DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2007 |
| AÑO MÁS RECIENTE DE PUBLICACIÓN | 2025 |
| ÍNDICE H | 3 |
Secondary imperfectivisation is reverbalisation
We argue that secondary imperfectivisation in Serbo-Croatian (and possibly in Slavic more generally) is a procedure whereby a new verb is derived from a perfective verb, i.e., the perfective verb gets reverbalised. This operation takes a perfective verb, that is, a verbal structure including an aspectual projection that restricts its interpretation aspectually (but also adds some lexical semantic content) and turns it into a bare vP. The new verb…
Agreement Switch in Verb-Echo Answers
In this article, we claim that syntactic objects undergoing ellipsis can be targeted by both narrow syntactic and PF operations. We base this conclusion on experimental evidence from the interaction between single conjunct agreement and verb-echo answers in South Slavic, which we show to be derived via verb-stranding VP ellipsis. Adopting the view that Vocabulary Insertion replaces Q-variables on lexical heads (Halle 1991) and ellipsis is a synta…
What differentiates Serbo-Croatian verbal theme vowels
We examine two hypotheses regarding the role of theme vowels (ThVs) in Serbo- Croatian (SC): (i) that the various ThVs attested in SC are markedness-based realizations of the same syntactic feature specification, and (ii) that different ThVs carry different syntactic features. We focus on the two SC ThVs occurring with the highest number of bases: and (the ordered pair specifies the infinitive-stem and the present-tense-stem realization of the Th…
Deverbal nouns in -ie and their variation across the South Slavic area
The paper proposes an analysis of the correlation between the semantic and prosodic properties of the suffix -ie and of its variation across the South Slavic languages. Empirical facts about the suffix are outlined, and previous analyses are presented and confronted with empirical and theoretical problems. A slight modification of the analysis of Arsenijević (2010) and Simonović and Arsenijević (2014) enables its combination with the model from S…
Syntactic, semantic and methodological aspects of an expanded ontology in the modal and attitudinal domain
Elided Clausal Conjunction Is Not the Only Source of Closest-Conjunct Agreement
A recurring hypothesis about the agreement phenomena generalized as closest-conjunct agreement takes this pattern to result from reduced clausal conjunction, simply displaying the agreement of the verb with the nonconjoined subject of the clause whose content survives ellipsis (Aoun, Benmamoun & Sportiche 1994, 1999; see also Wilder 1997). Closest-conjunct agreement is the dominant agreement pattern in the South Slavic languages Slovenian and Bos…
Serbo-Croatian Split Vocatives
Serbo-Croatian (SC) is a language with a rich case morphology and a complex and specific lexical prosody.1 Its case system consists of three main declension classes with seven cases, each interacting with the value of number. It displays pitch-accent lexical prosody: a system combining tone and stress (Zec 1999). SC morphology and prosody interact in complex ways, as discussed in Arsenijević 2010 and Simonović and Arsenijević 2014.Vocatives of ce…
The importance of not belonging
In a number of Slavic and Germanic languages, various derivational affixes and morphological patterns of Latin origin are relatively common, and bear effects as abstract as deriving event nouns from verbs and property nouns from adjectives. This seems to contradict the general observation that abstract morphology typically is not subject to borrowing. We discuss the status of two Serbo-Croatian (S-C) nominalizing Latinate suffixes, -cija and -ite…
On the Absence of X-within-X Recursion in Human Grammar
We make these observations: (a) The direct embedding of a syntactic category X in itself (X-within-X) is surprisingly rare in human language, if it exists at all. (b) Indirect self-embedding (mediated by a sequence of other categories, and usually a phase boundary) systematically goes along with intensionality effects; the embedding and the embedded XP exhibit different behavior at the semantic interface. We argue that these constraints on recurs…
There is no third face of agreement
There is no third face of agreement Alex Alsina and Boban Arsenijević The main claim of Alsina & Arsenijević 2012a, hence forth A&A, can be stated as in 1. 1. There is no evidence for the idea that there are three potentially distinct sets of features needed for accounting for agreement facts-two syntactic sets and one semantic set. The kind of argument that would show this claim to be false or incorrect is one that presents a fact, or a set of f…
The two faces of agreement
The goal of this discussion note is to argue that the complex facts of hybrid agreement in Serbo-Croatian can and should be accounted for by assuming that only two sets of features are relevant to agreement: a syntactic set and a semantic set. This is in opposition to existing proposals that claim that two distinct sets of syntactic features are required in addition to the set of semantic features in order to account for those agreement facts (We…
Serbo-Croatian coordinative conjunctions at the syntax-semantics interface
In this paper, I present five major Serbo-Croatian conjunctions, and argue that they differ in semantic as well as morphological complexity. I provide a compositional analysis of the morphological make-up of the arguably morphologically complex conjunctions, and establish a mapping between the two scales of their complexity. I argue that the Serbo-Croatian i is the most primitive conjunction, involving a bare addition, without any special syntact…
Clausal complementation as relativization
Slavic verb prefixes are resultative
Clausal complementation as relativization
On the Absence of X-within-X Recursion in Human Grammar
We make these observations: (a) The direct embedding of a syntactic category X in itself (X-within-X) is surprisingly rare in human language, if it exists at all. (b) Indirect self-embedding (mediated by a sequence of other categories, and usually a phase boundary) systematically goes along with intensionality effects; the embedding and the embedded XP exhibit different behavior at the semantic interface. We argue that these constraints on recurs…
The two faces of agreement
The goal of this discussion note is to argue that the complex facts of hybrid agreement in Serbo-Croatian can and should be accounted for by assuming that only two sets of features are relevant to agreement: a syntactic set and a semantic set. This is in opposition to existing proposals that claim that two distinct sets of syntactic features are required in addition to the set of semantic features in order to account for those agreement facts (We…
Elided Clausal Conjunction Is Not the Only Source of Closest-Conjunct Agreement
A recurring hypothesis about the agreement phenomena generalized as closest-conjunct agreement takes this pattern to result from reduced clausal conjunction, simply displaying the agreement of the verb with the nonconjoined subject of the clause whose content survives ellipsis (Aoun, Benmamoun & Sportiche 1994, 1999; see also Wilder 1997). Closest-conjunct agreement is the dominant agreement pattern in the South Slavic languages Slovenian and Bos…
There is no third face of agreement
There is no third face of agreement Alex Alsina and Boban Arsenijević The main claim of Alsina & Arsenijević 2012a, hence forth A&A, can be stated as in 1. 1. There is no evidence for the idea that there are three potentially distinct sets of features needed for accounting for agreement facts-two syntactic sets and one semantic set. The kind of argument that would show this claim to be false or incorrect is one that presents a fact, or a set of f…
Slavic verb prefixes are resultative
Clausal complementation as relativization
Serbo-Croatian coordinative conjunctions at the syntax-semantics interface
In this paper, I present five major Serbo-Croatian conjunctions, and argue that they differ in semantic as well as morphological complexity. I provide a compositional analysis of the morphological make-up of the arguably morphologically complex conjunctions, and establish a mapping between the two scales of their complexity. I argue that the Serbo-Croatian i is the most primitive conjunction, involving a bare addition, without any special syntact…
On the Absence of X-within-X Recursion in Human Grammar
We make these observations: (a) The direct embedding of a syntactic category X in itself (X-within-X) is surprisingly rare in human language, if it exists at all. (b) Indirect self-embedding (mediated by a sequence of other categories, and usually a phase boundary) systematically goes along with intensionality effects; the embedding and the embedded XP exhibit different behavior at the semantic interface. We argue that these constraints on recurs…
There is no third face of agreement
There is no third face of agreement Alex Alsina and Boban Arsenijević The main claim of Alsina & Arsenijević 2012a, hence forth A&A, can be stated as in 1. 1. There is no evidence for the idea that there are three potentially distinct sets of features needed for accounting for agreement facts-two syntactic sets and one semantic set. The kind of argument that would show this claim to be false or incorrect is one that presents a fact, or a set of f…
The two faces of agreement
The goal of this discussion note is to argue that the complex facts of hybrid agreement in Serbo-Croatian can and should be accounted for by assuming that only two sets of features are relevant to agreement: a syntactic set and a semantic set. This is in opposition to existing proposals that claim that two distinct sets of syntactic features are required in addition to the set of semantic features in order to account for those agreement facts (We…
The importance of not belonging
In a number of Slavic and Germanic languages, various derivational affixes and morphological patterns of Latin origin are relatively common, and bear effects as abstract as deriving event nouns from verbs and property nouns from adjectives. This seems to contradict the general observation that abstract morphology typically is not subject to borrowing. We discuss the status of two Serbo-Croatian (S-C) nominalizing Latinate suffixes, -cija and -ite…
Serbo-Croatian Split Vocatives
Serbo-Croatian (SC) is a language with a rich case morphology and a complex and specific lexical prosody.1 Its case system consists of three main declension classes with seven cases, each interacting with the value of number. It displays pitch-accent lexical prosody: a system combining tone and stress (Zec 1999). SC morphology and prosody interact in complex ways, as discussed in Arsenijević 2010 and Simonović and Arsenijević 2014.Vocatives of ce…
Deverbal nouns in -ie and their variation across the South Slavic area
The paper proposes an analysis of the correlation between the semantic and prosodic properties of the suffix -ie and of its variation across the South Slavic languages. Empirical facts about the suffix are outlined, and previous analyses are presented and confronted with empirical and theoretical problems. A slight modification of the analysis of Arsenijević (2010) and Simonović and Arsenijević (2014) enables its combination with the model from S…
Syntactic, semantic and methodological aspects of an expanded ontology in the modal and attitudinal domain
Elided Clausal Conjunction Is Not the Only Source of Closest-Conjunct Agreement
A recurring hypothesis about the agreement phenomena generalized as closest-conjunct agreement takes this pattern to result from reduced clausal conjunction, simply displaying the agreement of the verb with the nonconjoined subject of the clause whose content survives ellipsis (Aoun, Benmamoun & Sportiche 1994, 1999; see also Wilder 1997). Closest-conjunct agreement is the dominant agreement pattern in the South Slavic languages Slovenian and Bos…
What differentiates Serbo-Croatian verbal theme vowels
We examine two hypotheses regarding the role of theme vowels (ThVs) in Serbo- Croatian (SC): (i) that the various ThVs attested in SC are markedness-based realizations of the same syntactic feature specification, and (ii) that different ThVs carry different syntactic features. We focus on the two SC ThVs occurring with the highest number of bases: and (the ordered pair specifies the infinitive-stem and the present-tense-stem realization of the Th…
Agreement Switch in Verb-Echo Answers
In this article, we claim that syntactic objects undergoing ellipsis can be targeted by both narrow syntactic and PF operations. We base this conclusion on experimental evidence from the interaction between single conjunct agreement and verb-echo answers in South Slavic, which we show to be derived via verb-stranding VP ellipsis. Adopting the view that Vocabulary Insertion replaces Q-variables on lexical heads (Halle 1991) and ellipsis is a synta…
Secondary imperfectivisation is reverbalisation
We argue that secondary imperfectivisation in Serbo-Croatian (and possibly in Slavic more generally) is a procedure whereby a new verb is derived from a perfective verb, i.e., the perfective verb gets reverbalised. This operation takes a perfective verb, that is, a verbal structure including an aspectual projection that restricts its interpretation aspectually (but also adds some lexical semantic content) and turns it into a bare vP. The new verb…
Linguistics (14 obras) · Philosophy (14 obras) · Computer Science (13 obras) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (9 obras) · Linguistics, Language Diversity, and Identity (7 obras) · Mathematics (7 obras) · Natural language processing (7 obras) · Philosophy (7 obras) · Linguistics and language evolution (6 obras) · Artificial Intelligence (5 obras)