Güliz Güneş
Biographic Data
| ID | 816985 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Güliz Güneş |
| GIVEN NAMES | Güliz |
| FAMILY NAME | Güneş |
| SIGNATURE | GÜNEŞ G |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Tübingen |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-2696-9261 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 8 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 10 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 8 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2014 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2024 |
| H-INDEX | 2 |
Acoustic correlates of Givenness in Icelandic
This paper discusses whether there is a direct link between GIVENness-related deaccentuation and ellipsis. The idea that ellipsis can only target already-deaccented material with “distinguished low-flat intonation” (Chomsky & Lasnik 1993: 564) is known as the Radical Deaccentuation (RD) account (see e.g. Tancredi 1992). Icelandic represents a challenge for RD, as it permits (clausal) ellipsis (Wood et al. 2016, 2020) yet does not seem to display …
Prosodic Rephrasing and Violations of the Phase Impenetrability Condition
According to the Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC), phasal domains are opaque to further syntactic operations. Some researchers claim that the PIC applies in the phonological component of grammar (i.e., at PF). Others, however, claim that there is no PIC at PF. I use data from Turkish to provide new arguments against the PIC-at-PF view and conclude that the PIC can only possibly hold in syntax. I show that the PIC-at-PF view is too restrictiv…
Reprise fragments in English and Hungarian
Reprise fragments in English and Hungarian
We present a comparative analysis of English and Hungarian reprise fragments. We argue that reprise fragments should be afforded the same theoretical treatment as standard (i.e. nonreprise) fragments. Assuming that standard fragmentary answers and questions are remnants of an ellipsis operation that applies to a clause, this entails that reprise fragments are also remnants of clausal ellipsis. We show that the prevailing approach to standard frag…
Morphosyntax and Phonology of Agreement in Turkish
This article offers a new morphosyntactic account of subject agreement in the Turkish verbal domain. The account is based on a combination of well-known, novel, and overlooked observations about the distribution and prosody of verbal agreement. In Turkish, when certain morphosyntactic requirements are met and the verb is focused, as in fragment answers with ellipsis, the agreement morpheme can be parsed inside or outside of the prosodically promi…
South West and Central Asia
This chapter covers prosodic features of languages across Southwestern, Central, and Northern Asia. One representative language from each of the four main language families is passed in review, Turkish (Turkic), Mongolian (Mongolic), Persian (Indo-European), and Georgian (Kartvelian). Owing to a lack of descriptive coverage of the prosody of languages in Central Asia, no comprehensive surveys are provided. The discussion focuses on the word and s…
Nuclear prominence in ellipsis
This paper investigates the reason why aggressively non-D-linked items such as wh-the-hell (WTH) are allowed in swiping, but not in sluicing. Investigating the potential syntactic, semantic and prosodic licensors of WTH in sluicing and swiping in the British English variety, we conclude that syntactic or semantic constraints cannot be the source of the difference. Instead, we propose a novel prosodic account in which the WTH must satisfy the pros…
Constraints on syntax-prosody correspondence
Constraints on syntax-prosody correspondence
Reprise fragments in English and Hungarian
We present a comparative analysis of English and Hungarian reprise fragments. We argue that reprise fragments should be afforded the same theoretical treatment as standard (i.e. nonreprise) fragments. Assuming that standard fragmentary answers and questions are remnants of an ellipsis operation that applies to a clause, this entails that reprise fragments are also remnants of clausal ellipsis. We show that the prevailing approach to standard frag…
Morphosyntax and Phonology of Agreement in Turkish
This article offers a new morphosyntactic account of subject agreement in the Turkish verbal domain. The account is based on a combination of well-known, novel, and overlooked observations about the distribution and prosody of verbal agreement. In Turkish, when certain morphosyntactic requirements are met and the verb is focused, as in fragment answers with ellipsis, the agreement morpheme can be parsed inside or outside of the prosodically promi…
Nuclear prominence in ellipsis
This paper investigates the reason why aggressively non-D-linked items such as wh-the-hell (WTH) are allowed in swiping, but not in sluicing. Investigating the potential syntactic, semantic and prosodic licensors of WTH in sluicing and swiping in the British English variety, we conclude that syntactic or semantic constraints cannot be the source of the difference. Instead, we propose a novel prosodic account in which the WTH must satisfy the pros…
Constraints on syntax-prosody correspondence
South West and Central Asia
This chapter covers prosodic features of languages across Southwestern, Central, and Northern Asia. One representative language from each of the four main language families is passed in review, Turkish (Turkic), Mongolian (Mongolic), Persian (Indo-European), and Georgian (Kartvelian). Owing to a lack of descriptive coverage of the prosody of languages in Central Asia, no comprehensive surveys are provided. The discussion focuses on the word and s…
Nuclear prominence in ellipsis
This paper investigates the reason why aggressively non-D-linked items such as wh-the-hell (WTH) are allowed in swiping, but not in sluicing. Investigating the potential syntactic, semantic and prosodic licensors of WTH in sluicing and swiping in the British English variety, we conclude that syntactic or semantic constraints cannot be the source of the difference. Instead, we propose a novel prosodic account in which the WTH must satisfy the pros…
Morphosyntax and Phonology of Agreement in Turkish
This article offers a new morphosyntactic account of subject agreement in the Turkish verbal domain. The account is based on a combination of well-known, novel, and overlooked observations about the distribution and prosody of verbal agreement. In Turkish, when certain morphosyntactic requirements are met and the verb is focused, as in fragment answers with ellipsis, the agreement morpheme can be parsed inside or outside of the prosodically promi…
Reprise fragments in English and Hungarian
Reprise fragments in English and Hungarian
We present a comparative analysis of English and Hungarian reprise fragments. We argue that reprise fragments should be afforded the same theoretical treatment as standard (i.e. nonreprise) fragments. Assuming that standard fragmentary answers and questions are remnants of an ellipsis operation that applies to a clause, this entails that reprise fragments are also remnants of clausal ellipsis. We show that the prevailing approach to standard frag…
Acoustic correlates of Givenness in Icelandic
This paper discusses whether there is a direct link between GIVENness-related deaccentuation and ellipsis. The idea that ellipsis can only target already-deaccented material with “distinguished low-flat intonation” (Chomsky & Lasnik 1993: 564) is known as the Radical Deaccentuation (RD) account (see e.g. Tancredi 1992). Icelandic represents a challenge for RD, as it permits (clausal) ellipsis (Wood et al. 2016, 2020) yet does not seem to display …
Prosodic Rephrasing and Violations of the Phase Impenetrability Condition
According to the Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC), phasal domains are opaque to further syntactic operations. Some researchers claim that the PIC applies in the phonological component of grammar (i.e., at PF). Others, however, claim that there is no PIC at PF. I use data from Turkish to provide new arguments against the PIC-at-PF view and conclude that the PIC can only possibly hold in syntax. I show that the PIC-at-PF view is too restrictiv…
Linguistics (7 works) · Philosophy (6 works) · Philosophy (6 works) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (6 works) · Natural Language Processing Techniques (5 works) · Computer Science (4 works) · History (4 works) · Phonetics and Phonology Research (4 works) · Ellipsis (linguistics (3 works) · History (3 works)