Jonathan E Macdonald
Biographic Data
| ID | 836887 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Jonathan E Macdonald |
| GIVEN NAMES | Jonathan E |
| FAMILY NAME | Macdonald |
| SIGNATURE | MACDONALD J E |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign |
| ORCID | 0009-0001-8878-8554 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 6 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 13 |
| WORKS AS AUTHOR | 6 |
| WORKS AS EDITOR | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2008 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2017 |
| H-INDEX | 2 |
Passive se in Romanian and Spanish
In this article, we discuss passive se constructions in Romanian and Spanish. We argue that there is a projected implicit external argument in passive se constructions in both languages based on an available inalienable possession interpretation of body parts. These constructions, however, differ from each other in one important way: Romanian passive se allows a ‘by’-phrase, while Spanish passive se shows severe restrictions. Moreover, we illustr…
An Implicit Projected Argument in Spanish Impersonal- and Passive-SeConstructions
This article argues for the presence of an implicit projected argument in Spec,Voice in Spanish impersonal- and passive-seconstructions. The main empirical support comes from an available inalienable-possession interpretation of the sole overtDPwhen it is a body part in both constructions. This interpretation is only possible in the presence of a syntactically present c-commanding possessor. I argue that the implicit projected external argument s…
The phrase structure of phase verbs
This squib carries out an initial contrastive analysis of English and Russian phase (a.k.a. aspectual) verbs. Following Applying the same diagnostics to Russian, it appears that Russian phase verbs head only L-AspP. The relation between L-AspP and another structurally similar aspectual projection, AspP, proposed by Mac-Donald (2008a;b), is discussed. We see that L-AspP has a subset of the aspectual properties of AspP. Finally, I note how this app…
Against stativizing negation, expletive negation and NPI- until
We present a novel account of phenomena that have been discussed under the labels stativizing negation, expletive negation and the licensing of NPI-(eventive-)until. We argue that these concepts are theoretically undesirable as well as descriptively inadequate because (a) negation does not affect event structure, (b) “eventive” until outscopes negation and can also occur without negation, so it cannot be treated as an NPI, and (c) the properties …
The Aspectual Influence of the Noun
Since Verkuyl (1972) , we have known that a noun phrase can affect the (a)telicity of the verbal predicate. Since then, there have been both semantic and syntactic accounts of this aspectual influence of the noun (AIN). This raises the question of whether the AIN is best accounted for in semantic or syntactic terms, that is, whether it is more appropriately treated as semantic or syntactic in nature. In this article, I outline a representative ra…
Domain of Aspectual Interpretation
Thompson (2006) argues for a syntactic account of telicity in which DPs and PPs check a [bounded] feature at an AspP projection above vP to create a telic predicate. I provide evidence for an AspP projection between vP and VP and argue that AspP and everything AspP dominates defines a domain of aspectual interpretation, a syntactic space within which elements must be located in order to affect the telicity of a predicate. I provide data showing t…
An Implicit Projected Argument in Spanish Impersonal- and Passive-SeConstructions
This article argues for the presence of an implicit projected argument in Spec,Voice in Spanish impersonal- and passive-seconstructions. The main empirical support comes from an available inalienable-possession interpretation of the sole overtDPwhen it is a body part in both constructions. This interpretation is only possible in the presence of a syntactically present c-commanding possessor. I argue that the implicit projected external argument s…
Domain of Aspectual Interpretation
Thompson (2006) argues for a syntactic account of telicity in which DPs and PPs check a [bounded] feature at an AspP projection above vP to create a telic predicate. I provide evidence for an AspP projection between vP and VP and argue that AspP and everything AspP dominates defines a domain of aspectual interpretation, a syntactic space within which elements must be located in order to affect the telicity of a predicate. I provide data showing t…
Passive se in Romanian and Spanish
In this article, we discuss passive se constructions in Romanian and Spanish. We argue that there is a projected implicit external argument in passive se constructions in both languages based on an available inalienable possession interpretation of body parts. These constructions, however, differ from each other in one important way: Romanian passive se allows a ‘by’-phrase, while Spanish passive se shows severe restrictions. Moreover, we illustr…
Domain of Aspectual Interpretation
Thompson (2006) argues for a syntactic account of telicity in which DPs and PPs check a [bounded] feature at an AspP projection above vP to create a telic predicate. I provide evidence for an AspP projection between vP and VP and argue that AspP and everything AspP dominates defines a domain of aspectual interpretation, a syntactic space within which elements must be located in order to affect the telicity of a predicate. I provide data showing t…
The Aspectual Influence of the Noun
Since Verkuyl (1972) , we have known that a noun phrase can affect the (a)telicity of the verbal predicate. Since then, there have been both semantic and syntactic accounts of this aspectual influence of the noun (AIN). This raises the question of whether the AIN is best accounted for in semantic or syntactic terms, that is, whether it is more appropriately treated as semantic or syntactic in nature. In this article, I outline a representative ra…
The phrase structure of phase verbs
This squib carries out an initial contrastive analysis of English and Russian phase (a.k.a. aspectual) verbs. Following Applying the same diagnostics to Russian, it appears that Russian phase verbs head only L-AspP. The relation between L-AspP and another structurally similar aspectual projection, AspP, proposed by Mac-Donald (2008a;b), is discussed. We see that L-AspP has a subset of the aspectual properties of AspP. Finally, I note how this app…
Against stativizing negation, expletive negation and NPI- until
We present a novel account of phenomena that have been discussed under the labels stativizing negation, expletive negation and the licensing of NPI-(eventive-)until. We argue that these concepts are theoretically undesirable as well as descriptively inadequate because (a) negation does not affect event structure, (b) “eventive” until outscopes negation and can also occur without negation, so it cannot be treated as an NPI, and (c) the properties …
Passive se in Romanian and Spanish
In this article, we discuss passive se constructions in Romanian and Spanish. We argue that there is a projected implicit external argument in passive se constructions in both languages based on an available inalienable possession interpretation of body parts. These constructions, however, differ from each other in one important way: Romanian passive se allows a ‘by’-phrase, while Spanish passive se shows severe restrictions. Moreover, we illustr…
An Implicit Projected Argument in Spanish Impersonal- and Passive-SeConstructions
This article argues for the presence of an implicit projected argument in Spec,Voice in Spanish impersonal- and passive-seconstructions. The main empirical support comes from an available inalienable-possession interpretation of the sole overtDPwhen it is a body part in both constructions. This interpretation is only possible in the presence of a syntactically present c-commanding possessor. I argue that the implicit projected external argument s…
Computer Science (6 works) · Linguistics (6 works) · Philosophy (6 works) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (6 works) · Mathematics (4 works) · Natural language processing (3 works) · Natural Language Processing Techniques (3 works) · Argument (complex analysis (2 works) · Artificial Intelligence (2 works) · Interpretation (philosophy (2 works)