H Baumann
Biographic Data
| ID | 90034 |
|---|---|
| NAME | H Baumann |
| GIVEN NAMES | H |
| FAMILY NAME | Baumann |
| SIGNATURE | BAUMANN H |
| AFFILIATIONS | University of Liverpool |
| ORCID | 0000-0003-0100-1841 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 14 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 50 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 14 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 1934 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2025 |
| H-INDEX | 5 |
Monetary statecraft in the service of counter-revolution: Gulf monarchies’ deposits to Arab states’ central banks 1998–2022
The Development and Political Effects Of a Pan‐Arab Corporate Elite
Gulf investment across the Arab states has skyrocketed since the 2000s. Such activity not only links corporate entities but also weaves new connections between business leaders. We take a birds‐eye view of the pan‐Arab corporate elite by analyzing the network of transnational interlocking directorships. These involve directors who sit on boards of two or more firms headquartered in different countries. We include 1,111 directors of the 135 larges…
International political economy and the state in the Middle East
International political economy has largely ignored the Middle East. This special issue not only expands the discipline’s scope geographically but also conceptually by addressing IPE’s ‘blind spots’ including gender and sexuality, race and colonialism, security-economy nexus, and the expertise intensity of our economy. Contributors do so by challenging exceptionalist conceptions of the Middle Eastern states as neo-patrimonial ‘rentier states’ una…
Bringing the State and Political Economy Back in: Consociationalism and Crisis in Lebanon
Beirut’s 2015 garbage crisis provoked protests against unaccountable elites. Consociationalists consider such crises an external “load” on the system. I argue that consociation can actually cause crises by enabling elite rent-seeking. Drawing on Jessop and Poulantzas, I show that the consociational elite cartel “condenses” class interests into the Lebanese state. Concord among elites and inclusion of Gulf capital enabled rent creation through pri…
Avatars of Eurocentrism in international political economy textbooks: The case of the Middle East and North Africa
The project to decolonise the curriculum revolves around rethinking margin and centre of the discipline. To the extent that the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is at the margin of international political economy (IPE), it is the ideal entry point to decolonise the curriculum. I conduct a summative content analysis of the six most commonly used IPE textbooks. To what extent do they reproduce or challenge Eurocentric tropes in their treatment o…
The corruption perception index and the political economy of governing at a distance
The corruption perception index (CPI) compiled by Transparency International (TI) ranks countries by perceived levels of corruption. It is a reformist rather than a radical form of ‘statactivism’. First, I use Rose and Miller’s analytical framework to explain how corporate concerns come to dominate the CPI: How a neoliberal rationality is translated into a programme to govern corruption and then a technology – the CPI. A comprehensive survey of s…
The transformation of Saudi Arabia’s rentier state and ‘the international’
The Saudi state is conventionally characterized as a neo-patrimonial rentier state that emerged out of a combination of traditional domestic social structures and oil wealth. However, the conceptualization of the rentier state as endogenously generated based on ‘traditional’ society is an example of Eurocentric institutionalism. In this article, I draw on literature that has sought to ‘internationalise’ the East Asian developmental state concept …
The Causes, Nature, and Effect of the Current Crisis of Lebanese Capitalism
Forty years ago, Salim Nasr identified a “crisis of Lebanese capitalism” as a “backdrop” to the country’s civil war. Thirty years after Taif, Lebanese capitalism is facing another crisis: public debt, a looming currency crisis, failing public services. Explanations that focus solely on the sectarian “weak state” or on Syrian refugees neglect the crucial importance of Lebanon’s dependence on Gulf rentierism. Using recent studies of income and pove…
Social protest and the political economy of sectarianism in Lebanon
Lebanon sees frequent socio-economic protests, which defy the sectarian logic of politics prevalent in the country. Why does sectarianism assert itself as the dominant political cleavage regardless of these socio-economic struggles? I examine the repression of trade union protests for greater social justice in the 1990s. The politicisation of sectarianism requires the depoliticisation of alternative social visions, for instance along socio-econom…
Introduction: Ethnicity, Nationalism, and Education
Introduction: N ationalism and E thnicity in the A rab Revolutions
Die Verfassungen der Mitgliedsländer der Liga der Arabischen Staaten
VRÜ Verfassung und Recht in Übersee , Seite 268 - 270
Verfassung und Verfassungswirklichkeit in Ländern Asiens und Afrikas
VRÜ Verfassung und Recht in Übersee , Seite 233 - 234
Die Afrikanischen Kulturkreise
Die Geburtsstunden der systematischen Ethnologie standen unter einem Unstern. Derjenige, der das Verdienst hatte, diese Wissen-schaft in Deutschland hoffähig gemacht zu haben, Adolf Bastian, verstand es selbst nicht, aus seinen Gedanken praktische Folgerungen zu ziehen und das Lehrgebäude über Anregungen hinaus aufzubauen. Zudem kam Bastian ganz aus der Psychologie und hatte kaum Verständnis für historische Zusammenhänge. Er hat zwar das Verdiens…
The Causes, Nature, and Effect of the Current Crisis of Lebanese Capitalism
Forty years ago, Salim Nasr identified a “crisis of Lebanese capitalism” as a “backdrop” to the country’s civil war. Thirty years after Taif, Lebanese capitalism is facing another crisis: public debt, a looming currency crisis, failing public services. Explanations that focus solely on the sectarian “weak state” or on Syrian refugees neglect the crucial importance of Lebanon’s dependence on Gulf rentierism. Using recent studies of income and pove…
Social protest and the political economy of sectarianism in Lebanon
Lebanon sees frequent socio-economic protests, which defy the sectarian logic of politics prevalent in the country. Why does sectarianism assert itself as the dominant political cleavage regardless of these socio-economic struggles? I examine the repression of trade union protests for greater social justice in the 1990s. The politicisation of sectarianism requires the depoliticisation of alternative social visions, for instance along socio-econom…
Bringing the State and Political Economy Back in: Consociationalism and Crisis in Lebanon
Beirut’s 2015 garbage crisis provoked protests against unaccountable elites. Consociationalists consider such crises an external “load” on the system. I argue that consociation can actually cause crises by enabling elite rent-seeking. Drawing on Jessop and Poulantzas, I show that the consociational elite cartel “condenses” class interests into the Lebanese state. Concord among elites and inclusion of Gulf capital enabled rent creation through pri…
Avatars of Eurocentrism in international political economy textbooks: The case of the Middle East and North Africa
The project to decolonise the curriculum revolves around rethinking margin and centre of the discipline. To the extent that the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is at the margin of international political economy (IPE), it is the ideal entry point to decolonise the curriculum. I conduct a summative content analysis of the six most commonly used IPE textbooks. To what extent do they reproduce or challenge Eurocentric tropes in their treatment o…
The transformation of Saudi Arabia’s rentier state and ‘the international’
The Saudi state is conventionally characterized as a neo-patrimonial rentier state that emerged out of a combination of traditional domestic social structures and oil wealth. However, the conceptualization of the rentier state as endogenously generated based on ‘traditional’ society is an example of Eurocentric institutionalism. In this article, I draw on literature that has sought to ‘internationalise’ the East Asian developmental state concept …
Die Afrikanischen Kulturkreise
Die Geburtsstunden der systematischen Ethnologie standen unter einem Unstern. Derjenige, der das Verdienst hatte, diese Wissen-schaft in Deutschland hoffähig gemacht zu haben, Adolf Bastian, verstand es selbst nicht, aus seinen Gedanken praktische Folgerungen zu ziehen und das Lehrgebäude über Anregungen hinaus aufzubauen. Zudem kam Bastian ganz aus der Psychologie und hatte kaum Verständnis für historische Zusammenhänge. Er hat zwar das Verdiens…
International political economy and the state in the Middle East
International political economy has largely ignored the Middle East. This special issue not only expands the discipline’s scope geographically but also conceptually by addressing IPE’s ‘blind spots’ including gender and sexuality, race and colonialism, security-economy nexus, and the expertise intensity of our economy. Contributors do so by challenging exceptionalist conceptions of the Middle Eastern states as neo-patrimonial ‘rentier states’ una…
The corruption perception index and the political economy of governing at a distance
The corruption perception index (CPI) compiled by Transparency International (TI) ranks countries by perceived levels of corruption. It is a reformist rather than a radical form of ‘statactivism’. First, I use Rose and Miller’s analytical framework to explain how corporate concerns come to dominate the CPI: How a neoliberal rationality is translated into a programme to govern corruption and then a technology – the CPI. A comprehensive survey of s…
Die Afrikanischen Kulturkreise
Die Geburtsstunden der systematischen Ethnologie standen unter einem Unstern. Derjenige, der das Verdienst hatte, diese Wissen-schaft in Deutschland hoffähig gemacht zu haben, Adolf Bastian, verstand es selbst nicht, aus seinen Gedanken praktische Folgerungen zu ziehen und das Lehrgebäude über Anregungen hinaus aufzubauen. Zudem kam Bastian ganz aus der Psychologie und hatte kaum Verständnis für historische Zusammenhänge. Er hat zwar das Verdiens…
Verfassung und Verfassungswirklichkeit in Ländern Asiens und Afrikas
VRÜ Verfassung und Recht in Übersee , Seite 233 - 234
Die Verfassungen der Mitgliedsländer der Liga der Arabischen Staaten
VRÜ Verfassung und Recht in Übersee , Seite 268 - 270
Introduction: N ationalism and E thnicity in the A rab Revolutions
Introduction: Ethnicity, Nationalism, and Education
Social protest and the political economy of sectarianism in Lebanon
Lebanon sees frequent socio-economic protests, which defy the sectarian logic of politics prevalent in the country. Why does sectarianism assert itself as the dominant political cleavage regardless of these socio-economic struggles? I examine the repression of trade union protests for greater social justice in the 1990s. The politicisation of sectarianism requires the depoliticisation of alternative social visions, for instance along socio-econom…
The transformation of Saudi Arabia’s rentier state and ‘the international’
The Saudi state is conventionally characterized as a neo-patrimonial rentier state that emerged out of a combination of traditional domestic social structures and oil wealth. However, the conceptualization of the rentier state as endogenously generated based on ‘traditional’ society is an example of Eurocentric institutionalism. In this article, I draw on literature that has sought to ‘internationalise’ the East Asian developmental state concept …
The Causes, Nature, and Effect of the Current Crisis of Lebanese Capitalism
Forty years ago, Salim Nasr identified a “crisis of Lebanese capitalism” as a “backdrop” to the country’s civil war. Thirty years after Taif, Lebanese capitalism is facing another crisis: public debt, a looming currency crisis, failing public services. Explanations that focus solely on the sectarian “weak state” or on Syrian refugees neglect the crucial importance of Lebanon’s dependence on Gulf rentierism. Using recent studies of income and pove…
The corruption perception index and the political economy of governing at a distance
The corruption perception index (CPI) compiled by Transparency International (TI) ranks countries by perceived levels of corruption. It is a reformist rather than a radical form of ‘statactivism’. First, I use Rose and Miller’s analytical framework to explain how corporate concerns come to dominate the CPI: How a neoliberal rationality is translated into a programme to govern corruption and then a technology – the CPI. A comprehensive survey of s…
International political economy and the state in the Middle East
International political economy has largely ignored the Middle East. This special issue not only expands the discipline’s scope geographically but also conceptually by addressing IPE’s ‘blind spots’ including gender and sexuality, race and colonialism, security-economy nexus, and the expertise intensity of our economy. Contributors do so by challenging exceptionalist conceptions of the Middle Eastern states as neo-patrimonial ‘rentier states’ una…
Bringing the State and Political Economy Back in: Consociationalism and Crisis in Lebanon
Beirut’s 2015 garbage crisis provoked protests against unaccountable elites. Consociationalists consider such crises an external “load” on the system. I argue that consociation can actually cause crises by enabling elite rent-seeking. Drawing on Jessop and Poulantzas, I show that the consociational elite cartel “condenses” class interests into the Lebanese state. Concord among elites and inclusion of Gulf capital enabled rent creation through pri…
Avatars of Eurocentrism in international political economy textbooks: The case of the Middle East and North Africa
The project to decolonise the curriculum revolves around rethinking margin and centre of the discipline. To the extent that the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is at the margin of international political economy (IPE), it is the ideal entry point to decolonise the curriculum. I conduct a summative content analysis of the six most commonly used IPE textbooks. To what extent do they reproduce or challenge Eurocentric tropes in their treatment o…
Monetary statecraft in the service of counter-revolution: Gulf monarchies’ deposits to Arab states’ central banks 1998–2022
The Development and Political Effects Of a Pan‐Arab Corporate Elite
Gulf investment across the Arab states has skyrocketed since the 2000s. Such activity not only links corporate entities but also weaves new connections between business leaders. We take a birds‐eye view of the pan‐Arab corporate elite by analyzing the network of transnational interlocking directorships. These involve directors who sit on boards of two or more firms headquartered in different countries. We include 1,111 directors of the 135 larges…
Political science (13 works) · Law (11 works) · Law (10 works) · Political economy (8 works) · Economics (7 works) · Politics (7 works) · Sociology (7 works) · Economy (5 works) · Middle East Politics and Society (4 works) · State (computer science (4 works)