Rodrigo Osorio
Biographic Data
| ID | 94813 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Rodrigo Osorio |
| GIVEN NAMES | Rodrigo |
| FAMILY NAME | Osorio |
| SIGNATURE | OSORIO R |
| AFFILIATIONS | Diego Portales University |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-7365-5054 |
| VERIFIED | Yes |
| TOTAL WORKS | 13 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 57 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 13 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2009 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2025 |
| H-INDEX | 5 |
Where is Linz’s gridlock? Salvador Allende and the success of presidential bills in Chile, 1958–1973
We study the success of presidential bills in Chile between 1958 and 1973 and disprove the claim, made by Linz and others, in the debate on the perils of presidentialism, that Salvador Allende (1970–1973) suffered from legislative paralysis. We revise the 1113 bills introduced by presidents Jorge Alessandri (1958–1964), Eduardo Frei (1964–1970) and Allende, and identified those enacted. Allende had a lower success rate but introduced more bills t…
In Pinochet's Shadows
The transition to democracy in Chile, which took place under the rules established in the authoritarian constitution, led political parties and voters to align along an authoritarian/democratic divide. In the campaign for the constitutional plebiscite in 2022, some of those in favor of a new constitution linked their position to democratic values and labeled those opposed to the new draft as lacking democratic values. Many of those opposed to the…
Partial Presidential Vetoes and Executive-Legislative Bargaining
Defined as a credible threat that strengthens the bargaining position of the executive, presidential vetoes, widely understudied, carry a stigma of confrontation between state powers. But under some institutional setups, partial vetoes can be an additional step in the executive-legislative bargaining process. After a discussion of whether partial vetoes are a proactive legislative tool or a bargaining tool to induce executive-legislative cooperat…
The Wrong Poster Child for Legislative Paralysis
Conflicts resulting from the dual legitimacy problem of presidential systems (where the president and the legislature are elected by different majorities) sometimes result in legislative gridlock – a point made by those who criticize the alleged perils of presidentialism. The socialist government of Salvador Allende (1970–73), that ended with the breakdown of democracy, is often used as a poster child for legislative gridlock. With information on…
Changes in the Rules of the Lawmaking Process and the Success of Presidential Bills
This article assesses the effect of changes in the lawmaking process on the success of the president’s legislative agenda, distinguishing between within‐term success (bills that passed during the term) and overall success (including bills that passed after the president left office). With the 2064 presidential bills introduced in seven terms (1990–2018) in Chile’s presidential system, we assess the impact of changes in lawmaking rules on within‐t…
Attitudes toward democracy and authoritarianism before, during and after military rule. The case of Chile, 1972–2013
Studies on attitudes toward democracy in post-authoritarian settings tend to overlook support for democracy before the authoritarian experience. Since authoritarian experiences are alleged to affect attitudes towards democracy and authoritarianism, we use the case of Chile to assess the determinants in support for democracy between 1972 and 2013. Estimating marginal effects and predicted probabilities for probit models on polls conducted before a…
Indirect political budget cycles
Make the Economy Scream'? Economic, Ideological and Social Determinants of Support for Salvador Allende in Chile, 1970-3
With polling and municipal level data, we analyse the determinants of Salvador Allende's presidential election victory in 1970 and the change in political and electoral support for his government (1970-3). Support for Allende is explained by ideology more than by social class, socio-demographic variables or the economic performance of the country. Allende won in 1970 as an opposition candidate when the outgoing Frei administration enjoyed high ap…
Las encuestas de opinión pública en Chile antes de 1973
Utilizando los datos de las encuestas de Eduardo Hamuy realizadas en Chile antes del quiebre de la democracia de 1973, cuestionamos la supuesta rigidez ideológica del centro. Mostramos que después de 1964, aumentó la identificación con la izquierda, pero
El Mercurio Lies, and La Tercera Lies More. Political Bias in Newspaper Headlines in Chile, 1994–2010
In this article we examine the presence of bias in Chile's two main daily newspapers, El Mercurio and La Tercera , both of which have historically been associated with the political right. We analyse their principal headlines in the first 100 days of rule of p residents Eduardo Frei (1994–2000), Ricardo Lagos (2000–2006), Michelle Bachelet (2006–2010) and Sebastián Piñera (2010–2014). We find that La Tercera was more critical of all these preside…
It's the Christian Democrats' Fault
For different reasons, identification with political parties has been on the decline everywhere. Using polling data, we show that political identification in Chile increased in times of polarization before 1973 and in the transition to democracy in 1990 and fell under democratic consolidation. The decline comes primarily from falling identification with the largest party, the centrist Christian Democratic Party (PDC). Assessing the determinants o…
Forthcoming in Volume 49 Number 3 2014
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. As you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button
La chute de l'Unité populaire au Chili
L’arrivée de l’Unité populaire à « La Moneda » (1970-1973) déclenche au Chili un processus de démocratisation que les groupes dominants perçoivent comme une menace et une remise en question de leur survie en tant que secteur social. Pour contrer ce processus, la droite se dote d’un parti politique défini par une doctrine de type nationaliste et par une stratégie qui en appelait à une forte mobilisation de masses pour les détourner de l’Unité popu…
Indirect political budget cycles
It's the Christian Democrats' Fault
For different reasons, identification with political parties has been on the decline everywhere. Using polling data, we show that political identification in Chile increased in times of polarization before 1973 and in the transition to democracy in 1990 and fell under democratic consolidation. The decline comes primarily from falling identification with the largest party, the centrist Christian Democratic Party (PDC). Assessing the determinants o…
Attitudes toward democracy and authoritarianism before, during and after military rule. The case of Chile, 1972–2013
Studies on attitudes toward democracy in post-authoritarian settings tend to overlook support for democracy before the authoritarian experience. Since authoritarian experiences are alleged to affect attitudes towards democracy and authoritarianism, we use the case of Chile to assess the determinants in support for democracy between 1972 and 2013. Estimating marginal effects and predicted probabilities for probit models on polls conducted before a…
Changes in the Rules of the Lawmaking Process and the Success of Presidential Bills
This article assesses the effect of changes in the lawmaking process on the success of the president’s legislative agenda, distinguishing between within‐term success (bills that passed during the term) and overall success (including bills that passed after the president left office). With the 2064 presidential bills introduced in seven terms (1990–2018) in Chile’s presidential system, we assess the impact of changes in lawmaking rules on within‐t…
El Mercurio Lies, and La Tercera Lies More. Political Bias in Newspaper Headlines in Chile, 1994–2010
In this article we examine the presence of bias in Chile's two main daily newspapers, El Mercurio and La Tercera , both of which have historically been associated with the political right. We analyse their principal headlines in the first 100 days of rule of p residents Eduardo Frei (1994–2000), Ricardo Lagos (2000–2006), Michelle Bachelet (2006–2010) and Sebastián Piñera (2010–2014). We find that La Tercera was more critical of all these preside…
In Pinochet's Shadows
The transition to democracy in Chile, which took place under the rules established in the authoritarian constitution, led political parties and voters to align along an authoritarian/democratic divide. In the campaign for the constitutional plebiscite in 2022, some of those in favor of a new constitution linked their position to democratic values and labeled those opposed to the new draft as lacking democratic values. Many of those opposed to the…
Make the Economy Scream'? Economic, Ideological and Social Determinants of Support for Salvador Allende in Chile, 1970-3
With polling and municipal level data, we analyse the determinants of Salvador Allende's presidential election victory in 1970 and the change in political and electoral support for his government (1970-3). Support for Allende is explained by ideology more than by social class, socio-demographic variables or the economic performance of the country. Allende won in 1970 as an opposition candidate when the outgoing Frei administration enjoyed high ap…
Where is Linz’s gridlock? Salvador Allende and the success of presidential bills in Chile, 1958–1973
We study the success of presidential bills in Chile between 1958 and 1973 and disprove the claim, made by Linz and others, in the debate on the perils of presidentialism, that Salvador Allende (1970–1973) suffered from legislative paralysis. We revise the 1113 bills introduced by presidents Jorge Alessandri (1958–1964), Eduardo Frei (1964–1970) and Allende, and identified those enacted. Allende had a lower success rate but introduced more bills t…
Partial Presidential Vetoes and Executive-Legislative Bargaining
Defined as a credible threat that strengthens the bargaining position of the executive, presidential vetoes, widely understudied, carry a stigma of confrontation between state powers. But under some institutional setups, partial vetoes can be an additional step in the executive-legislative bargaining process. After a discussion of whether partial vetoes are a proactive legislative tool or a bargaining tool to induce executive-legislative cooperat…
The Wrong Poster Child for Legislative Paralysis
Conflicts resulting from the dual legitimacy problem of presidential systems (where the president and the legislature are elected by different majorities) sometimes result in legislative gridlock – a point made by those who criticize the alleged perils of presidentialism. The socialist government of Salvador Allende (1970–73), that ended with the breakdown of democracy, is often used as a poster child for legislative gridlock. With information on…
La chute de l'Unité populaire au Chili
L’arrivée de l’Unité populaire à « La Moneda » (1970-1973) déclenche au Chili un processus de démocratisation que les groupes dominants perçoivent comme une menace et une remise en question de leur survie en tant que secteur social. Pour contrer ce processus, la droite se dote d’un parti politique défini par une doctrine de type nationaliste et par une stratégie qui en appelait à une forte mobilisation de masses pour les détourner de l’Unité popu…
Forthcoming in Volume 49 Number 3 2014
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. As you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button
Las encuestas de opinión pública en Chile antes de 1973
Utilizando los datos de las encuestas de Eduardo Hamuy realizadas en Chile antes del quiebre de la democracia de 1973, cuestionamos la supuesta rigidez ideológica del centro. Mostramos que después de 1964, aumentó la identificación con la izquierda, pero
El Mercurio Lies, and La Tercera Lies More. Political Bias in Newspaper Headlines in Chile, 1994–2010
In this article we examine the presence of bias in Chile's two main daily newspapers, El Mercurio and La Tercera , both of which have historically been associated with the political right. We analyse their principal headlines in the first 100 days of rule of p residents Eduardo Frei (1994–2000), Ricardo Lagos (2000–2006), Michelle Bachelet (2006–2010) and Sebastián Piñera (2010–2014). We find that La Tercera was more critical of all these preside…
It's the Christian Democrats' Fault
For different reasons, identification with political parties has been on the decline everywhere. Using polling data, we show that political identification in Chile increased in times of polarization before 1973 and in the transition to democracy in 1990 and fell under democratic consolidation. The decline comes primarily from falling identification with the largest party, the centrist Christian Democratic Party (PDC). Assessing the determinants o…
Make the Economy Scream'? Economic, Ideological and Social Determinants of Support for Salvador Allende in Chile, 1970-3
With polling and municipal level data, we analyse the determinants of Salvador Allende's presidential election victory in 1970 and the change in political and electoral support for his government (1970-3). Support for Allende is explained by ideology more than by social class, socio-demographic variables or the economic performance of the country. Allende won in 1970 as an opposition candidate when the outgoing Frei administration enjoyed high ap…
Attitudes toward democracy and authoritarianism before, during and after military rule. The case of Chile, 1972–2013
Studies on attitudes toward democracy in post-authoritarian settings tend to overlook support for democracy before the authoritarian experience. Since authoritarian experiences are alleged to affect attitudes towards democracy and authoritarianism, we use the case of Chile to assess the determinants in support for democracy between 1972 and 2013. Estimating marginal effects and predicted probabilities for probit models on polls conducted before a…
Indirect political budget cycles
The Wrong Poster Child for Legislative Paralysis
Conflicts resulting from the dual legitimacy problem of presidential systems (where the president and the legislature are elected by different majorities) sometimes result in legislative gridlock – a point made by those who criticize the alleged perils of presidentialism. The socialist government of Salvador Allende (1970–73), that ended with the breakdown of democracy, is often used as a poster child for legislative gridlock. With information on…
Changes in the Rules of the Lawmaking Process and the Success of Presidential Bills
This article assesses the effect of changes in the lawmaking process on the success of the president’s legislative agenda, distinguishing between within‐term success (bills that passed during the term) and overall success (including bills that passed after the president left office). With the 2064 presidential bills introduced in seven terms (1990–2018) in Chile’s presidential system, we assess the impact of changes in lawmaking rules on within‐t…
Partial Presidential Vetoes and Executive-Legislative Bargaining
Defined as a credible threat that strengthens the bargaining position of the executive, presidential vetoes, widely understudied, carry a stigma of confrontation between state powers. But under some institutional setups, partial vetoes can be an additional step in the executive-legislative bargaining process. After a discussion of whether partial vetoes are a proactive legislative tool or a bargaining tool to induce executive-legislative cooperat…
Where is Linz’s gridlock? Salvador Allende and the success of presidential bills in Chile, 1958–1973
We study the success of presidential bills in Chile between 1958 and 1973 and disprove the claim, made by Linz and others, in the debate on the perils of presidentialism, that Salvador Allende (1970–1973) suffered from legislative paralysis. We revise the 1113 bills introduced by presidents Jorge Alessandri (1958–1964), Eduardo Frei (1964–1970) and Allende, and identified those enacted. Allende had a lower success rate but introduced more bills t…
In Pinochet's Shadows
The transition to democracy in Chile, which took place under the rules established in the authoritarian constitution, led political parties and voters to align along an authoritarian/democratic divide. In the campaign for the constitutional plebiscite in 2022, some of those in favor of a new constitution linked their position to democratic values and labeled those opposed to the new draft as lacking democratic values. Many of those opposed to the…
Political science (13 works) · Politics (10 works) · Law (9 works) · Politics and Society in Latin America (8 works) · Political and Social Dynamics in Chile and Latin America (7 works) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (6 works) · Law (6 works) · Political economy (6 works) · Economics (5 works) · Presidential system (5 works)