Hillel Frisch
Biographic Data
| ID | 95482 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Hillel Frisch |
| GIVEN NAMES | Hillel |
| FAMILY NAME | Frisch |
| SIGNATURE | FRISCH H |
| AFFILIATIONS | Bar-Ilan University |
| VERIFIED | No |
| TOTAL WORKS | 46 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 83 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 45 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 1 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 1991 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2015 |
| H-INDEX | 5 |
Choosing the Right Strategy: Why the Palestinians Were More Successful in the First Intifada than in the Second
Choosing a strategy that polarizes the rival’s political center is often critical in determining the relative success of the weaker side in asymmetric conflict. This proposition is tested on two rounds of protracted confrontations between Palestinians and Israel in 1987 and 2000. In the first intifada, the Palestinians limited terrorism primarily to the West Bank and Gaza, polarized the Israeli political center and secured substantial political g…
Israel at the Polls 2009
The 2006 elections constitute a major redrawing of the political map in Israel due to Prime Minister Ariel Sharon’s exit from the Likud party and his creation of a new centre party, Kadima. Following Israel’s unilateral withdrawal from Gaza, Sharon formed Kadima taking many former Likud MKs, and prominent members of the Labour party with him. Focusing particularly on the various political parties, the election campaign in the media and the main i…
The Egyptian Army and Egypt's ‘Spring’
After Mubarak's ouster, the Egyptian senior command had assumed a guardian role similar to the former Turkish model despite a shoddy performance in maintaining public order and the questionable loyalty of the lower ranked officers and the ordinary soldiers. Its relative success in managing the transition was due to the willingness of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafists to negotiate as stakeholders in the system rather than to battle in the s…
The Role of Armies in the Arab Uprisings – An Introduction
The following special issue on the role of armed forces focuses on what explains the considerable variation in both how these uprisings played themselves out and their political outcomes. At least three basic dimensions – duration, political intensity and the magnitude of violence – the variation Between the six states covered in this issue – Egypt, Syria, Libya, Tunisia, Yemn and Bahrain – has been considerable even on a proportionate basis. The…
The Demise of the PLO: Neither Diaspora Nor Statehood
HILLEL FRISCH is associate professor of political science and Middle East studies at Bar-Ilan University and research associate at the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Affairs. His latest book, Israel's Security and Its Arab Citizens has been published by Cambridge University Press
Israel's Security and Its Arab Citizens
Although a rich literature combining international relations and domestic political developments has recently emerged, most works specializing in state-minority relations, nationalism, citizenship and human rights have not integrated insights from the field of international relations and security affairs into their analysis. This absence is nowhere more visible than in the study of relations between the Israeli state and its Arab/Palestinian mino…
Why monarchies persist: Balancing between internal and external vulnerability
Why have absolutist monarchies in the past three decades survived when so many succumbed to coups and revolution in the past? The rulers' use of divide-and-rule and balancing strategies as Lust-Okar and Jamal noted recently, served as a partial solution. Overlooked in the literature on the persistance of monarchies was how these mechanisms, which reduce the leader's domestic vulnerability, mar his offensive capabilities to cope with centralising,…
The Palestinian Military
This book analyzes Palestinian attempts to create an organized military force from the period of the Mandate up to the present day. Beginning with a comparative overview of the relationship between insurgent movements and the quest to build up a standard military, the book looks, first, at how the 1936 revolt galvanized the Palestinian leadership to attempt to create a military. It then goes on to examines other major topics such as: the 1948 fai…
The 2009 Knesset elections: A foreign affairs perspective
Israel's general elections in 2009 yielded three major outcomes: 1) the replacement of the bi-polar system that characterized Israeli electoral politics between 1977 and 2003 in which most parties are aligned to one of the two principal parties by a more flexible multi-party system. 2) The nearly total collapse of the Labor party and the Zionist left; for the first time since the 1920s, the Labor party was no longer a major political player, and …
Pan-Arabism and Its Competitors: Islamic Radicals and the Nation State
Islamism may already be showing signs of meeting a more powerful ideological force: state nationalism. Islamists devote far more energy to attempting to take over existing states than to attacking the West. It is conceivable that, as with Pan-Arabism before it, the grandiose ideals of Islamism will be no match for the economic, military, and media might of the nation-states into which both Arabs and Muslims are separated. These appear to shape pe…
Strategic Change in Terrorist Movements: Lessons from Hamas
Existing literature is weak in explaining strategic change among terrorist movements, especially regarding the question of why these organizations often switch between contesting the external enemy, usually the government or the occupying power, and the internal arena in which they compete against fellow rebel groups. A rebel force facing diminishing returns from a formerly successful tactic with no equally effective tactical substitute in sight …
What Makes Terrorists Tick
Max Abrahms’s article “What Terrorists Really Want: Terrorist Motives and Counterterrorism Strategy” is a welcome critique of the many points taken for granted by rational choice interpretations of terrorist group behavior.1 His systematic review of the observable implications of rational choice perspectives on terrorism reveals some of the important shortfalls in the current literature. Abrahms overreaches, however, in rejecting strategic models…
The Death of the PLO
The PLO, the article attempts to prove, is dead, contributing to the withering of Palestinian diaspora political life. If true, the life and death of the PLO is rife with the paradox of substantiating the most basic of Zionist claims that reterritorialization and the withering of diaspora can only be perceived as a trade-off with a deterministic end in favour of political territoriality. Palestinians face the tragedy of being divided in the terri…
The Palestinian Military: Between Militias and Armies
1. The Quest for an Army, the Reality of Militias 2. From Revolt to Communal Defeat 1936-1948 3. Serving Others or Themselves? Palestinians in Arab Armies 4. The PLO and the Palestine Liberation Army 5. The Security Forces under the Palestinian Authority 6. The Security Forces and the Al-Aqsa Intifada 7. Politics, Law and Security 8. The Palestinian Security Forces under Abbas 9. From One Military to Two: The Triumph of Hamas. Conclusion
Radical Islam and International Security: Challenges and Responses
Introduction Part 1: The Challenge of Radical Islam: General Themes Religious Extremism or Religionization of Politics? The Ideological Foundations of Political Islam Bassam Tibi. Islam from Flexibility to Ferocity Ze'ev Maghen. An Economic Perspective on Radical Islam Arye Hillman Part 2: The Islamist Challenge: Case Studies The Rise of Jihadi Trends in Saudi Arabia: The Post Iraq-Kuwait War Phase Joseph Kostiner. Islamic Radicalism and Terroris…
(The) Fence or Offense? Testing the Effectiveness of “The Fence” in Judea and Samaria
Stability Amidst Flux: The Arab Parties Come of Age in the 2006 General Elections
The 2006 election, one of the most prominent experts on Arab Israeli politics predicted, would be the swan-song of Israel’s Arab parties which had dominated the Arab electoral scene for the past two decades in favour of a massive return to the Zionist parties. Nothing proved further from the truth. Despite a low, though hardly an exceptionally low, voting participation rate, the three Arab political parties which passed the newly increased 2 perc…
Power or Justice? Rule and Law in the Palestinian Authority
Rule of law is usually analyzed exclusively in reference to domestic peace within the political entity. Yet, establishing a powerful independent legal system can have a major impact on peaceful relations between political entities. This article evaluates the Palestinian Authority's performance in creating democratic and legal institutions from its inception in the summer of 1994 until the outbreak of the armed conflict between Israel and the Pale…
Motivation or capabilities? Israeli counterterrorism against Palestinian suicide bombings and violence
Scholars have expressed doubts about the ability of counterterrorism to cope with suicide bombings, resulting in tit-for-tat or loop-like and repetitive violence and counter-violence without meaningful, let alone decisive results for the stronger side. Such skepticism may explain why so much of the recent literature on terrorism and insurgency is focused on the factors motivating the challenger rather than upon the insurgent's capabilities. This …
Nationalizing a Universal Text: The Quran in Arafat's Rhetoric
Has the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Become Islamic? Fatah, Islam, and the Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades
Many indications in the latest round of conflict between Israel and the Palestinians suggest the Islamization of the conflict on the Palestinian side. How Fatah, the nationalist faction that has dominated the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), and its principle fighting arm during the hostilities between Israel and the Palestinians since 2000, the Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades, have related to Islam is a crucial dimension in answering the quest…
The Influence of the Al-Aqsa Intifada on the Arab Vote in the 2003 General Elections
Israel and its Arab Citizens
Most scholars writing on Israel's Arab citizens analyse Israel's Arab citizens mainly in terms of domestic internal relations between the minority and the State and between the minority and the Jewish majority. They minimize and often overlook altogether the larger, more complex regional picture capturing the relationship between Israel's Arab citizens, Palestinians in the territories, and the ‘Palestinian problem’ in general, and the interrelati…
Perceptions of Israel in the Armies of Syria, Egypt and Jordan
The reasons for change in state elites' perceptions of the adversary are fiercely contested by realists, constructivistis and neo-liberals in the international relations literature. A series of events -beginning with the October 1973 war and culminating in the Oslo peace process — offers a unique opportunity to assess the value of these theories in explaining change in the perceptions of Israel and Zionism in Syria, Egypt and Jordan. This study i…
Jordan and the Palestinian Authority: Did Better Fences Make Better Neighbors
The following article explores whether the establishment of the Palestinian Authority in 1994 led to an improvement in relations between the Palestine Liberation Organization/Palestinian Authority (PLO/PA) and Jordan since 1994. The issue is important in determining the viability of the partition approach over a more integrative confederal or federal alternative between the two entities. The findings point to an improvement of relations. Neverthe…
Religion, State, and the International System in the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict
Why do conflicts between states and national movements continue to be “nationalist”, concerned almost exclusively with self-determination and control over territory, rather than crusades on behalf of faith? Our basic claim is that the nature of the present international system bolsters the dominant position of nationalists in a given conflict with an opposing political entity, as well as within their own constituency. For this reason, the Palesti…
The Egyptian Army and Egypt's ‘Spring’
After Mubarak's ouster, the Egyptian senior command had assumed a guardian role similar to the former Turkish model despite a shoddy performance in maintaining public order and the questionable loyalty of the lower ranked officers and the ordinary soldiers. Its relative success in managing the transition was due to the willingness of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafists to negotiate as stakeholders in the system rather than to battle in the s…
Modern Absolutist or Neopatriarchal State Building? Customary Law, Extended Families, and the Palestinian Authority
On 29 September 1995, a notice in the leading Palestinian daily Al-Quds announced the following: “After Friday prayers an honorable procession composed of notables from the Bethlehem district and notables from the Hebron district proceeded to the Dīwān of Ahl al-Ḥalāʾiqa in the village of Shuyukh in order to complete the rites of tribal conciliation ( ṣulḥ ʿashāʾirī ) in the wake of a sad car accident.” Among the jāha , the procession of importan…
The Druze Minority in the Israeli Military: Traditionalizing an Ethnic Policing Role
The cooptation of minorities to police other minorities is an imperial phenomenon not usually associated with the modern developed state. Yet the Druze minority within Israel's security structure is increasingly playing such a policing role over the Palestinians. The reasons for the gravitation of Druze into policing are partially economic, but so are they due to deliberate policies of state ethnicization of the Druze. What is different from the …
Nationalizing a Universal Text: The Quran in Arafat's Rhetoric
Fuzzy nationalism: The case of Jordan
This article, on the basis of a case‐study of Jordan, argues that engaging in the construction of collective identity is a much more complex task than dealing with the relationship between a territorial or pan‐nationalism as either a binary apposite or as synthetic dualism. In Jordan, the construction of nationalism is deliberately fuzzy and eclectic due to security concerns. Jordan's eclectic collective identity, based on four often discordant e…
What Makes Terrorists Tick
Max Abrahms’s article “What Terrorists Really Want: Terrorist Motives and Counterterrorism Strategy” is a welcome critique of the many points taken for granted by rational choice interpretations of terrorist group behavior.1 His systematic review of the observable implications of rational choice perspectives on terrorism reveals some of the important shortfalls in the current literature. Abrahms overreaches, however, in rejecting strategic models…
Motivation or capabilities? Israeli counterterrorism against Palestinian suicide bombings and violence
Scholars have expressed doubts about the ability of counterterrorism to cope with suicide bombings, resulting in tit-for-tat or loop-like and repetitive violence and counter-violence without meaningful, let alone decisive results for the stronger side. Such skepticism may explain why so much of the recent literature on terrorism and insurgency is focused on the factors motivating the challenger rather than upon the insurgent's capabilities. This …
State ethnicization and the crisis of leadership succession among Israel's Druze
States often ethnicize ethnic groups for their own purposes. In doing so, however, they unleash contradictory processes. While the state facilitates the integration of individuals into modern state structures on the basis of personal achievement, it will also traditionalize collective identity by promoting a recognized leader or headman. Over time ethnic reformers will challenge such state ethnicization and attempt to organize the community to ac…
The Palestinian movement in the territories: The middle command
Whether uprisings, which almost always break out spontaneously, are later organized by new men or professional revolutionists, is a question frequently debated in the academic literature. Schiff and Yaari, in their informative book on the intifada, argue that a new leadership organized the intifada.' This leadership, they claim, was whittled down physically by the Israeli authorities through arrest and deportation, and politically and morally by …
Why monarchies persist: Balancing between internal and external vulnerability
Why have absolutist monarchies in the past three decades survived when so many succumbed to coups and revolution in the past? The rulers' use of divide-and-rule and balancing strategies as Lust-Okar and Jamal noted recently, served as a partial solution. Overlooked in the literature on the persistance of monarchies was how these mechanisms, which reduce the leader's domestic vulnerability, mar his offensive capabilities to cope with centralising,…
Israel and its Arab Citizens
Most scholars writing on Israel's Arab citizens analyse Israel's Arab citizens mainly in terms of domestic internal relations between the minority and the State and between the minority and the Jewish majority. They minimize and often overlook altogether the larger, more complex regional picture capturing the relationship between Israel's Arab citizens, Palestinians in the territories, and the ‘Palestinian problem’ in general, and the interrelati…
Explaining third world security structures
Why did the Palestinian Authority established in 1994 create 12 security forces when Eritrea, which achieved independence in 1994, made do with one conventional army? This article attempts to explain the variation in the structure of national security systems in Third World states as a function of two basic factors: the state's political and social heterogeneity and the state's relative importance to US foreign policy and security concerns. Autho…
State formation and international aid: The emergence of the Palestinian authority
Strategic Change in Terrorist Movements: Lessons from Hamas
Existing literature is weak in explaining strategic change among terrorist movements, especially regarding the question of why these organizations often switch between contesting the external enemy, usually the government or the occupying power, and the internal arena in which they compete against fellow rebel groups. A rebel force facing diminishing returns from a formerly successful tactic with no equally effective tactical substitute in sight …
The Death of the PLO
The PLO, the article attempts to prove, is dead, contributing to the withering of Palestinian diaspora political life. If true, the life and death of the PLO is rife with the paradox of substantiating the most basic of Zionist claims that reterritorialization and the withering of diaspora can only be perceived as a trade-off with a deterministic end in favour of political territoriality. Palestinians face the tragedy of being divided in the terri…
(The) Fence or Offense? Testing the Effectiveness of “The Fence” in Judea and Samaria
Power or Justice? Rule and Law in the Palestinian Authority
Rule of law is usually analyzed exclusively in reference to domestic peace within the political entity. Yet, establishing a powerful independent legal system can have a major impact on peaceful relations between political entities. This article evaluates the Palestinian Authority's performance in creating democratic and legal institutions from its inception in the summer of 1994 until the outbreak of the armed conflict between Israel and the Pale…
The Influence of the Al-Aqsa Intifada on the Arab Vote in the 2003 General Elections
Between diffusion and territorial consolidation in rebellion: Striking at the hard core of theIntifada
The leadership of the Intifada in the territories, the United National Command (UNC), called for an organization of small units to maximize efficiency, and for the continuous proliferation of these organizational units to reduce the Intifada's vulnerability. A strategy of low‐scale violence, requiring little prior training and skill, facilitated wide scale‐recruitment. To sustain a rebellion over a long period, there was a need to create territor…
The Role of Armies in the Arab Uprisings – An Introduction
The following special issue on the role of armed forces focuses on what explains the considerable variation in both how these uprisings played themselves out and their political outcomes. At least three basic dimensions – duration, political intensity and the magnitude of violence – the variation Between the six states covered in this issue – Egypt, Syria, Libya, Tunisia, Yemn and Bahrain – has been considerable even on a proportionate basis. The…
The Demise of the PLO: Neither Diaspora Nor Statehood
HILLEL FRISCH is associate professor of political science and Middle East studies at Bar-Ilan University and research associate at the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Affairs. His latest book, Israel's Security and Its Arab Citizens has been published by Cambridge University Press
Has the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Become Islamic? Fatah, Islam, and the Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades
Many indications in the latest round of conflict between Israel and the Palestinians suggest the Islamization of the conflict on the Palestinian side. How Fatah, the nationalist faction that has dominated the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), and its principle fighting arm during the hostilities between Israel and the Palestinians since 2000, the Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades, have related to Islam is a crucial dimension in answering the quest…
Jordan and the Palestinian Authority: Did Better Fences Make Better Neighbors
The following article explores whether the establishment of the Palestinian Authority in 1994 led to an improvement in relations between the Palestine Liberation Organization/Palestinian Authority (PLO/PA) and Jordan since 1994. The issue is important in determining the viability of the partition approach over a more integrative confederal or federal alternative between the two entities. The findings point to an improvement of relations. Neverthe…
Debating Palestinian strategy in the al-Aqsa intifada
Violent confrontation broke out between Israel and the Palestinians in late September 2000. The precursors were clear, and neither side expressed surprise at the turn of events. The situation was one of asymmetry and contiguity between the two sides: modes of control exercised by Israel included the stationing of Israeli troops deep within areas of Palestinian rule and the encirclement of Palestinian cities by Israeli army bases. This article ask…
Between diffusion and territorial consolidation in rebellion: Striking at the hard core of theIntifada
The leadership of the Intifada in the territories, the United National Command (UNC), called for an organization of small units to maximize efficiency, and for the continuous proliferation of these organizational units to reduce the Intifada's vulnerability. A strategy of low‐scale violence, requiring little prior training and skill, facilitated wide scale‐recruitment. To sustain a rebellion over a long period, there was a need to create territor…
The Palestinian movement in the territories: The middle command
Whether uprisings, which almost always break out spontaneously, are later organized by new men or professional revolutionists, is a question frequently debated in the academic literature. Schiff and Yaari, in their informative book on the intifada, argue that a new leadership organized the intifada.' This leadership, they claim, was whittled down physically by the Israeli authorities through arrest and deportation, and politically and morally by …
The Druze Minority in the Israeli Military: Traditionalizing an Ethnic Policing Role
The cooptation of minorities to police other minorities is an imperial phenomenon not usually associated with the modern developed state. Yet the Druze minority within Israel's security structure is increasingly playing such a policing role over the Palestinians. The reasons for the gravitation of Druze into policing are partially economic, but so are they due to deliberate policies of state ethnicization of the Druze. What is different from the …
The PLO and the Arabs in Israel 1967–93: Politicization or radicalization
One of the most important questions raised by the establishment of the Palestinian Authority under PLO leader Yasser Arafat concerns the likelihood of secessionist tendencies among Israeli Arabs, the probability of irredentist behaviour by the Palestinian Authority, and the likely impact of both on the territorial and political integrity of the State of Israel. The following article addresses the question by analyzing the historical relationship …
From repression to facilitation: The effects of Israeli policies on Palestinian mobilization in the west bank, 1967-1987
Israel, it is widely believed, instituted ‘iron‐fisted’ policies to cope with increasing Palestinian mobilization in the West Bank and Gaza after the Likud's rise to power in 1977. The article challenges this assumption and demonstrates that Israeli repression of the Palestinian national movement decreased between 1973 and 1987 even though Palestinian resistance increased. While it agrees with Beitler that some of this reduction was due to a chan…
The Arab vote: The radicalization of politicization
State formation and international aid: The emergence of the Palestinian authority
Ethnicity, Territorial Integrity, and Regional Order: Palestinian Identity in Jordan and Israel
Will Israel and Jordan be likely to stave off Palestinian irredentism from the recently established Palestinian Authority? Will transnational Palestinian identity undermine a future regional order based on partition into sovereign territorial states? These questions may be crucial in determining whether the emerging repartition of Palestine/Israel and the creation of the Palestinian Authority in the aftermath of the Oslo peace agreement will be t…
Modern Absolutist or Neopatriarchal State Building? Customary Law, Extended Families, and the Palestinian Authority
On 29 September 1995, a notice in the leading Palestinian daily Al-Quds announced the following: “After Friday prayers an honorable procession composed of notables from the Bethlehem district and notables from the Hebron district proceeded to the Dīwān of Ahl al-Ḥalāʾiqa in the village of Shuyukh in order to complete the rites of tribal conciliation ( ṣulḥ ʿashāʾirī ) in the wake of a sad car accident.” Among the jāha , the procession of importan…
State ethnicization and the crisis of leadership succession among Israel's Druze
States often ethnicize ethnic groups for their own purposes. In doing so, however, they unleash contradictory processes. While the state facilitates the integration of individuals into modern state structures on the basis of personal achievement, it will also traditionalize collective identity by promoting a recognized leader or headman. Over time ethnic reformers will challenge such state ethnicization and attempt to organize the community to ac…
Countdown to Statehood: Palestinian State Formation in the West Bank and Gaza
Countdown to Statehood: Palestinian State Formation in the West Bank and Gaza
The Arab vote in the Israeli elections: The bid for leadership
Ethnicity or Nationalism? Comparing the Nakba Narrative amongst Israeli Arabs and Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza
Fuzzy nationalism: The case of Jordan
This article, on the basis of a case‐study of Jordan, argues that engaging in the construction of collective identity is a much more complex task than dealing with the relationship between a territorial or pan‐nationalism as either a binary apposite or as synthetic dualism. In Jordan, the construction of nationalism is deliberately fuzzy and eclectic due to security concerns. Jordan's eclectic collective identity, based on four often discordant e…
Explaining third world security structures
Why did the Palestinian Authority established in 1994 create 12 security forces when Eritrea, which achieved independence in 1994, made do with one conventional army? This article attempts to explain the variation in the structure of national security systems in Third World states as a function of two basic factors: the state's political and social heterogeneity and the state's relative importance to US foreign policy and security concerns. Autho…
Comparing Palestinian Perspectives in the Palestinian Authority, Israel and Jordan on Jordanian-Israeli Relations
Reference Reviews
Positions and attitudes of Israeli Arabs regarding the Arab world, 1990–2001
Scholars have debated intensely whether Israel's Arab citizens are increasingly becoming hostile to the State, working within the system, or aspire to some form of cultural and political autonomy short of insurrection and potential secession-I Whatever position they take in the debate, most would agree that Israeli Arabs have become increasingly politically assertive over the past two decades in Israeli politics. The following article analyses wh…
Debating Palestinian strategy in the al-Aqsa intifada
Violent confrontation broke out between Israel and the Palestinians in late September 2000. The precursors were clear, and neither side expressed surprise at the turn of events. The situation was one of asymmetry and contiguity between the two sides: modes of control exercised by Israel included the stationing of Israeli troops deep within areas of Palestinian rule and the encirclement of Palestinian cities by Israeli army bases. This article ask…
The Influence of the Al-Aqsa Intifada on the Arab Vote in the 2003 General Elections
Israel and its Arab Citizens
Most scholars writing on Israel's Arab citizens analyse Israel's Arab citizens mainly in terms of domestic internal relations between the minority and the State and between the minority and the Jewish majority. They minimize and often overlook altogether the larger, more complex regional picture capturing the relationship between Israel's Arab citizens, Palestinians in the territories, and the ‘Palestinian problem’ in general, and the interrelati…
Perceptions of Israel in the Armies of Syria, Egypt and Jordan
The reasons for change in state elites' perceptions of the adversary are fiercely contested by realists, constructivistis and neo-liberals in the international relations literature. A series of events -beginning with the October 1973 war and culminating in the Oslo peace process — offers a unique opportunity to assess the value of these theories in explaining change in the perceptions of Israel and Zionism in Syria, Egypt and Jordan. This study i…
Jordan and the Palestinian Authority: Did Better Fences Make Better Neighbors
The following article explores whether the establishment of the Palestinian Authority in 1994 led to an improvement in relations between the Palestine Liberation Organization/Palestinian Authority (PLO/PA) and Jordan since 1994. The issue is important in determining the viability of the partition approach over a more integrative confederal or federal alternative between the two entities. The findings point to an improvement of relations. Neverthe…
Religion, State, and the International System in the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict
Why do conflicts between states and national movements continue to be “nationalist”, concerned almost exclusively with self-determination and control over territory, rather than crusades on behalf of faith? Our basic claim is that the nature of the present international system bolsters the dominant position of nationalists in a given conflict with an opposing political entity, as well as within their own constituency. For this reason, the Palesti…
Political science (45 works) · Law (39 works) · Jewish and Middle Eastern Studies (36 works) · Law (29 works) · Political economy (28 works) · Politics (28 works) · Sociology (28 works) · Middle East Politics and Society (20 works) · History (18 works) · Political Conflict and Governance (17 works)