Jongryn Mo
Biographic Data
| ID | 973066 |
|---|---|
| NAME | Jongryn Mo |
| GIVEN NAMES | Jongryn |
| FAMILY NAME | Mo |
| SIGNATURE | MO J |
| AFFILIATIONS | The University of Texas at Austin |
| VERIFIED | No |
| TOTAL WORKS | 16 |
| TOTAL CITATIONS | 306 |
| AUTHOR COUNT | 16 |
| EDITOR COUNT | 0 |
| FIRST PUBLICATION YEAR | 1990 |
| LATEST PUBLICATION YEAR | 2016 |
| H-INDEX | 8 |
South Korea's middle power diplomacy: A case of growing compatibility between regional and global roles
South Korea has emerged as a new middle power that plays a significant role in a wide range of important global issue areas and supports liberal international order with its leadership diplomacy. Even though regional challenges will continue to demand large foreign policy resources including time, human resources, and budget, the middle power orientation of South Korean foreign policy behaviour and strategy-for example, multilateralism, the rule …
The Rise of Korean Leadership: Emerging Powers and Liberal International Order
South Korea has emerged as a new middle power playing a significant role in a wide range of important global issue areas and supporting liberal international order with its leadership diplomacy. The g
Does the United States Need a New East Asian Anchor?: The Case for U.S.-Japan-Korea Trilateralism
This article evaluates the value of U.S.-Japan-Korea (UJK) trilateralism as an anchor of Asian regional architecture by examining the history of trilateral partnerships, alternative regional groupings, and geopolitical and domestic circumstances.
Public Diplomacy and North Korea Policy: Diverging Effects of U.S. Messages in the United States and South Korea
The Bush administration has pursued a new, hard-line approach to the current nuclear standoff with North Korea. In efforts to build public support from the American public as well as from its allies in the region, the Bush administration has carefully framed, in distinctive ways, the nature of the crisis and the grounds for an appropriate response to North Korea's nuclear brinkmanship. To assess the effects of these U.S. messages designed to buil…
Confucianism for the Modern World
While Confucian ideals continue to inspire thinkers and political actors, discussions of concrete Confucian practices and institutions appropriate for the modern era have been conspicuously absent from the literature thus far. This volume represents the most cutting edge effort to spell out in meticulous detail the relevance of Confucianism for the contemporary world. The contributors to this book - internationally renowned philosophers, lawyers,…
Ending Economic Sanctions: Audience Costs and Rent-Seeking as Commitment Strategies
Little attention has been paid to how and when economic sanctions end, especially compared with the amount of research on their effectiveness. A game in which the ending of sanctions is part of interstate bargaining about a contested policy is analyzed. In case of audience costs, sanctions may occur because governments use strategies that commit them to their ideal policy position. Governments use as constraints domestic political groups that hav…
Political Culture and Legislative Gridlock: Politics of Economic Reform in Precrisis Korea
This article argues that political gridlock in Korea was responsible for the defeat of many economic reform efforts before the economic crisis. Successful and timely economic reforms would have made the Korean economy less vulnerable to the economic crisis. The persistence of political gridlock can be attributed to the immature or unconsolidated nature of Korean democracy, including weak democratic institutions and traditional political values an…
The political economy of the Korean financial crisis
Much attention has been paid to the economics of the Asian financial crisis, but less to its politics. In this article we examine two clusters of domestic political factors that contributed to Korea's difficulties. First, a combination of selective liberalization with close government–bank–business relations contributed to the investment boom and excessive leveraging that made the Korean economy vulnerable to external shocks. Second, we examine h…
Strategic alliances as a corporate response to protectionism: The case of the Japanese semiconductor industry in the late 1980s
This paper offers theoretical justifications and empirical evidence for the claim that multinational firms employ strategic alliances to defuse protectionist threats in their export markets (Cowhey and Aronson 1993). Strategic alliances can be an effective response when tariff‐jumping foreign direct investment (FDI) does not diffuse protectionism in the host country. Although tariff‐jumping FDI creates new allies (such as workers) in the host cou…
Korea After the Crash
Korea After the Crash Jongryn Mo (bio) and Chung-in Moon (bio) The Asian economic crisis hit South Korea when its nascent democracy was still struggling to take hold. The new president, Kim Dae Jung, elected at the height of the economic crisis in December 1997, faced the formidable challenges of economic reform and democratic consolidation. His predecessor, Kim Young Sam (1993–98), had failed to meet these challenges under more favorable economi…
Political Learning and Democratic Consolidation: Korean Industrial Relations, 1987-1992
Although the concept of political learning is recognized as a key to understanding the success of democratic consolidation, it has been difficult to operationalize it. The author argues that if we use as an independent variable the messages with which actors update their beliefs, we can develop a theory of democratic consolidation based on political learning. In the Korean case, political learning took place among workers who had to decide whethe…
Domestic Institutions and International Bargaining: The Role of Agent Veto in Two-Level Games
Putnam's (1988) conjecture that negotiators can benefit from their domestic constraints implies that they may want to impose domestic constraints on themselves by granting veto power to an agent. I show that a negotiator's decision to employ an agent as veto player depends on the kinds of information available to the foreign country and the alignment of preferences between the negotiator and the agent. When the foreign country has incomplete info…
The Logic of Two-Level Games with Endogenous Domestic Coalitions
This article attempts to formalize and extend Putnam's conjecture that greater domestic constraints can be a bargaining advantage in international negotiations by means of a more realistic model of negotiator behavior. Unlike her counterpart in Putnam, the negotiator in my model has a direct interest, not coincident with those of her domestic constituents, in the bargaining outcome. She also has more leeway in domestic bargaining in that not all …
Electoral Systems and Institutional Choice: A Case Study of the 1988 Korean Elections
This article shows how the ruling party of Korea, the DJP, chose and implemented a strategy to win the 13th National Assembly election of 1988 and explains why that strategy failed. In addition, this election is analyzed in a more general context. The authors find, for example that the preference of a party over electoral systems is determined by the spatial distribution of its votes and that the choice of an electoral system is the outcome of a …
Urbanization and voter turnout in Korea: An update
The U.S. Congress and Trade Policy: An Institutional Approach
Domestic Institutions and International Bargaining: The Role of Agent Veto in Two-Level Games
Putnam's (1988) conjecture that negotiators can benefit from their domestic constraints implies that they may want to impose domestic constraints on themselves by granting veto power to an agent. I show that a negotiator's decision to employ an agent as veto player depends on the kinds of information available to the foreign country and the alignment of preferences between the negotiator and the agent. When the foreign country has incomplete info…
The Logic of Two-Level Games with Endogenous Domestic Coalitions
This article attempts to formalize and extend Putnam's conjecture that greater domestic constraints can be a bargaining advantage in international negotiations by means of a more realistic model of negotiator behavior. Unlike her counterpart in Putnam, the negotiator in my model has a direct interest, not coincident with those of her domestic constituents, in the bargaining outcome. She also has more leeway in domestic bargaining in that not all …
Electoral Systems and Institutional Choice: A Case Study of the 1988 Korean Elections
This article shows how the ruling party of Korea, the DJP, chose and implemented a strategy to win the 13th National Assembly election of 1988 and explains why that strategy failed. In addition, this election is analyzed in a more general context. The authors find, for example that the preference of a party over electoral systems is determined by the spatial distribution of its votes and that the choice of an electoral system is the outcome of a …
Ending Economic Sanctions: Audience Costs and Rent-Seeking as Commitment Strategies
Little attention has been paid to how and when economic sanctions end, especially compared with the amount of research on their effectiveness. A game in which the ending of sanctions is part of interstate bargaining about a contested policy is analyzed. In case of audience costs, sanctions may occur because governments use strategies that commit them to their ideal policy position. Governments use as constraints domestic political groups that hav…
South Korea's middle power diplomacy: A case of growing compatibility between regional and global roles
South Korea has emerged as a new middle power that plays a significant role in a wide range of important global issue areas and supports liberal international order with its leadership diplomacy. Even though regional challenges will continue to demand large foreign policy resources including time, human resources, and budget, the middle power orientation of South Korean foreign policy behaviour and strategy-for example, multilateralism, the rule …
The political economy of the Korean financial crisis
Much attention has been paid to the economics of the Asian financial crisis, but less to its politics. In this article we examine two clusters of domestic political factors that contributed to Korea's difficulties. First, a combination of selective liberalization with close government–bank–business relations contributed to the investment boom and excessive leveraging that made the Korean economy vulnerable to external shocks. Second, we examine h…
Political Culture and Legislative Gridlock: Politics of Economic Reform in Precrisis Korea
This article argues that political gridlock in Korea was responsible for the defeat of many economic reform efforts before the economic crisis. Successful and timely economic reforms would have made the Korean economy less vulnerable to the economic crisis. The persistence of political gridlock can be attributed to the immature or unconsolidated nature of Korean democracy, including weak democratic institutions and traditional political values an…
Korea After the Crash
Korea After the Crash Jongryn Mo (bio) and Chung-in Moon (bio) The Asian economic crisis hit South Korea when its nascent democracy was still struggling to take hold. The new president, Kim Dae Jung, elected at the height of the economic crisis in December 1997, faced the formidable challenges of economic reform and democratic consolidation. His predecessor, Kim Young Sam (1993–98), had failed to meet these challenges under more favorable economi…
Political Learning and Democratic Consolidation: Korean Industrial Relations, 1987-1992
Although the concept of political learning is recognized as a key to understanding the success of democratic consolidation, it has been difficult to operationalize it. The author argues that if we use as an independent variable the messages with which actors update their beliefs, we can develop a theory of democratic consolidation based on political learning. In the Korean case, political learning took place among workers who had to decide whethe…
Urbanization and voter turnout in Korea: An update
The U.S. Congress and Trade Policy: An Institutional Approach
The U.S. Congress and Trade Policy: An Institutional Approach
Urbanization and voter turnout in Korea: An update
Electoral Systems and Institutional Choice: A Case Study of the 1988 Korean Elections
This article shows how the ruling party of Korea, the DJP, chose and implemented a strategy to win the 13th National Assembly election of 1988 and explains why that strategy failed. In addition, this election is analyzed in a more general context. The authors find, for example that the preference of a party over electoral systems is determined by the spatial distribution of its votes and that the choice of an electoral system is the outcome of a …
The Logic of Two-Level Games with Endogenous Domestic Coalitions
This article attempts to formalize and extend Putnam's conjecture that greater domestic constraints can be a bargaining advantage in international negotiations by means of a more realistic model of negotiator behavior. Unlike her counterpart in Putnam, the negotiator in my model has a direct interest, not coincident with those of her domestic constituents, in the bargaining outcome. She also has more leeway in domestic bargaining in that not all …
Domestic Institutions and International Bargaining: The Role of Agent Veto in Two-Level Games
Putnam's (1988) conjecture that negotiators can benefit from their domestic constraints implies that they may want to impose domestic constraints on themselves by granting veto power to an agent. I show that a negotiator's decision to employ an agent as veto player depends on the kinds of information available to the foreign country and the alignment of preferences between the negotiator and the agent. When the foreign country has incomplete info…
Political Learning and Democratic Consolidation: Korean Industrial Relations, 1987-1992
Although the concept of political learning is recognized as a key to understanding the success of democratic consolidation, it has been difficult to operationalize it. The author argues that if we use as an independent variable the messages with which actors update their beliefs, we can develop a theory of democratic consolidation based on political learning. In the Korean case, political learning took place among workers who had to decide whethe…
Strategic alliances as a corporate response to protectionism: The case of the Japanese semiconductor industry in the late 1980s
This paper offers theoretical justifications and empirical evidence for the claim that multinational firms employ strategic alliances to defuse protectionist threats in their export markets (Cowhey and Aronson 1993). Strategic alliances can be an effective response when tariff‐jumping foreign direct investment (FDI) does not diffuse protectionism in the host country. Although tariff‐jumping FDI creates new allies (such as workers) in the host cou…
Korea After the Crash
Korea After the Crash Jongryn Mo (bio) and Chung-in Moon (bio) The Asian economic crisis hit South Korea when its nascent democracy was still struggling to take hold. The new president, Kim Dae Jung, elected at the height of the economic crisis in December 1997, faced the formidable challenges of economic reform and democratic consolidation. His predecessor, Kim Young Sam (1993–98), had failed to meet these challenges under more favorable economi…
The political economy of the Korean financial crisis
Much attention has been paid to the economics of the Asian financial crisis, but less to its politics. In this article we examine two clusters of domestic political factors that contributed to Korea's difficulties. First, a combination of selective liberalization with close government–bank–business relations contributed to the investment boom and excessive leveraging that made the Korean economy vulnerable to external shocks. Second, we examine h…
Ending Economic Sanctions: Audience Costs and Rent-Seeking as Commitment Strategies
Little attention has been paid to how and when economic sanctions end, especially compared with the amount of research on their effectiveness. A game in which the ending of sanctions is part of interstate bargaining about a contested policy is analyzed. In case of audience costs, sanctions may occur because governments use strategies that commit them to their ideal policy position. Governments use as constraints domestic political groups that hav…
Political Culture and Legislative Gridlock: Politics of Economic Reform in Precrisis Korea
This article argues that political gridlock in Korea was responsible for the defeat of many economic reform efforts before the economic crisis. Successful and timely economic reforms would have made the Korean economy less vulnerable to the economic crisis. The persistence of political gridlock can be attributed to the immature or unconsolidated nature of Korean democracy, including weak democratic institutions and traditional political values an…
Confucianism for the Modern World
While Confucian ideals continue to inspire thinkers and political actors, discussions of concrete Confucian practices and institutions appropriate for the modern era have been conspicuously absent from the literature thus far. This volume represents the most cutting edge effort to spell out in meticulous detail the relevance of Confucianism for the contemporary world. The contributors to this book - internationally renowned philosophers, lawyers,…
Public Diplomacy and North Korea Policy: Diverging Effects of U.S. Messages in the United States and South Korea
The Bush administration has pursued a new, hard-line approach to the current nuclear standoff with North Korea. In efforts to build public support from the American public as well as from its allies in the region, the Bush administration has carefully framed, in distinctive ways, the nature of the crisis and the grounds for an appropriate response to North Korea's nuclear brinkmanship. To assess the effects of these U.S. messages designed to buil…
Does the United States Need a New East Asian Anchor?: The Case for U.S.-Japan-Korea Trilateralism
This article evaluates the value of U.S.-Japan-Korea (UJK) trilateralism as an anchor of Asian regional architecture by examining the history of trilateral partnerships, alternative regional groupings, and geopolitical and domestic circumstances.
The Rise of Korean Leadership: Emerging Powers and Liberal International Order
South Korea has emerged as a new middle power playing a significant role in a wide range of important global issue areas and supporting liberal international order with its leadership diplomacy. The g
South Korea's middle power diplomacy: A case of growing compatibility between regional and global roles
South Korea has emerged as a new middle power that plays a significant role in a wide range of important global issue areas and supports liberal international order with its leadership diplomacy. Even though regional challenges will continue to demand large foreign policy resources including time, human resources, and budget, the middle power orientation of South Korean foreign policy behaviour and strategy-for example, multilateralism, the rule …
Political science (15 works) · Economics (13 works) · Law (13 works) · Politics (12 works) · Law (10 works) · Political economy (7 works) · Democracy (6 works) · Asian Industrial and Economic Development (4 works) · Finance (4 works) · Law and economics (4 works)