Aaron J Dinkin
Dados Biográficos
| ID | 1265680 |
|---|---|
| NOME | Aaron J Dinkin |
| PRENOMES | Aaron J |
| SOBRENOME | Dinkin |
| ASSINATURA | DINKIN A J |
| AFILIAÇÕES | San Diego State University |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-2097-4019 |
| VERIFICADO | Sim |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 15 |
| TOTAL DE CITAÇÕES | 33 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 15 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMEIRO ANO DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 2010 |
| ANO MAIS RECENTE DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 2025 |
| ÍNDICE H | 4 |
Making a Merger
The merger of lot and thought , sometimes called the low-back merger, is a feature rapidly spreading across North America, even in locales historically resistant to the merger. New Orleans English has historically retained the lot/thought distinction due to raised thought , a feature more common to the mid-Atlantic region than the American South. In this study, we examine the relationship between lot and thought in a sample of fifty-seven speaker…
Searching for homophony avoidance in English coronal stop deletion
It is well-known that English variable word-final coronal stop deletion (CSD) is less likely to occur when the final coronal stop instantiates the inflectional suffix -ed . It is sometimes hypothesised that the reason for this effect is to avoid the homophony between past and present tenses that would result from the suffix -ed being deleted. This reasoning suggests another hypothesis: that CSD should also be disfavoured when it would create homo…
Local Attitudes and Dialect Change in a Tourist Town
Sociophonetics on the Silver Screen
Book Review| February 01 2024 Sociophonetics on the Silver Screen Accent in North American Film and Television: A Sociophonetic Analysis. By Boberg, Charles. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Pp. xvii + 359. ISBN 978-1-107-15044-7; $135 (ebk $135) Aaron J. Dinkin Aaron J. Dinkin San Diego State University AARON J. DINKIN is an associate professor in the Department of Linguistics and Asian/Middle Eastern Languages at San Diego State Univ…
When Palms Are in Your THOUGHTs, You Head South
In New Orleans, there is a White, working-class dialect of English, sometimes called Yat, that has several notable similarities with that of New York City. These similarities have been argued to be the result of nineteenth-century dialect contact between residents of the two cities. Examining the distribution of low-back vowels in the vowel systems of 57 speakers of the New Orleans Yat dialect, the authors argue that patterning of the palm vowel …
Generational Phases
This paper reports on a new sociolinguistic sample of Cooperstown, a village in rural central New York. Previous research suggested Cooperstown was losing the Northern Cities Shift (NCS) and acquiring the low back merger via koineization as a result of dialect contact among locally-born children of parents from other regions. The new data shows abrupt retreat from NCS patterns between the Baby Boom generation and Generation X. A “phase transition…
Escaping the Trap
We examine the loss of the Northern Cities Shift raising of trap in Ogdensburg, a small city in rural northern New York. Although data from 2008 showed robust trap -raising among young people in Ogdensburg, in data collected in 2016 no speakers clear the 700-Hz threshold for NCS participation in F1 of trap —a seemingly very rapid real-time change. We find apparent-time change in style-shifting: although older people raise trap more in wordlist re…
The Foot of the Lake
In 2013, Dinkin reported an unexpectedly sharp dialect boundary in northern New York between the communities of Ogdensburg and Canton in St. Lawrence County: Ogdensburg exhibited the Northern Cities Vowel Shift (NCS) and very little evidence of the low back merger, while Canton showed low back merger nearing completion and no NCS. This article investigates the nature of this dialect boundary via new sociolinguistic interview data from eight neigh…
It's no problem to be polite
This paper reports a rapid and anonymous study of apparent‐time change in Toronto among the use of expressions such as you're welcome and no problem as responses to thanks , thank you , and thank you very much . We observe change in progress toward no problem and no worries at the expense of you're welcome . Meanwhile, a change in stylistic stratification is also taking place: for older speakers, no problem is a less formal response, suitable pri…
Is like like like
We explore the linguistic variant – as opposed to the variable – as the object of sociolinguistic perception. The sociolinguistic principle of accountability, in centering the variable as a choice between variants, implicitly models variation from the perspective of the speaker, who makes that choice. But is it a good model for the perception of sociolinguistic meaning on the part of the listener? This paper reports the results of a matched-guise…
Gradience, allophony, and chain shifts
The monophthongization of /ay/ in the Southern United States is disfavored by following voiceless consonants ( price ) relative to voiced or word-final environments ( prize ). If monophthongization is the trigger for the Southern Shift (Labov, 2010) and chain shifts operate as predicted by a modular feedforward phonological theory (cf. Bermúdez-Otero, 2007), this implies price and prize must be two ends of a phonetic continuum, rather than two di…
Variant-centered variation and the like conspiracy
The conventional methodology of variationist linguistics foregrounds the variable as the object of study: each variant is situated in the envelope of variation against the other variants it competes with. This paper argues that it is necessary to look beyond the context of the alternations a variant participates in in order to get a full picture of the factors affecting variation. The multi-functional variant like is used as a case study to illus…
What’s Really Happening to Short-Abeforelin Philadelphia
The phonemic split of short-a into low, lax /æ/ and raised, tense /æh/ is one of the distinctive phonological features of the Philadelphia dialect. Studies over the past 25 years have argued that /æ/ is in the process of being replaced by /æh/ in words in which it appears before /l/, such as alley and personality, via a process of lexical diffusion. However, this article argues that the foregoing is a misinterpretation of the changes affecting /æ…
Weakening resistance
This paper examines the status of the low back caught-cot merger in Upstate New York. Most of this region is subject to the Northern Cities Shift (NCS) and therefore, according to Labov, Ash, and Boberg (2006), ostensibly “resists” the spread of this merger. It is found that the phonology of this region is indeed trending toward the merger in apparent time, in terms of both phonetic distance between the two phonemes and speakers' explicit judgmen…
The effect of outliers on the perception of sound change
The role of outliers in vowel distributions is examined through an experiment that registers subjects' assessments of symmetrical and asymmetrical distributions. Subjects first scaled their subjective impressions of a series of six resynthesized tokens of the word bad ranging from low front to upper mid front. They were then asked to register on this scale their overall impressions of four series of five phrases including bad: low symmetrical, lo…
Variant-centered variation and the like conspiracy
The conventional methodology of variationist linguistics foregrounds the variable as the object of study: each variant is situated in the envelope of variation against the other variants it competes with. This paper argues that it is necessary to look beyond the context of the alternations a variant participates in in order to get a full picture of the factors affecting variation. The multi-functional variant like is used as a case study to illus…
Weakening resistance
This paper examines the status of the low back caught-cot merger in Upstate New York. Most of this region is subject to the Northern Cities Shift (NCS) and therefore, according to Labov, Ash, and Boberg (2006), ostensibly “resists” the spread of this merger. It is found that the phonology of this region is indeed trending toward the merger in apparent time, in terms of both phonetic distance between the two phonemes and speakers' explicit judgmen…
It's no problem to be polite
This paper reports a rapid and anonymous study of apparent‐time change in Toronto among the use of expressions such as you're welcome and no problem as responses to thanks , thank you , and thank you very much . We observe change in progress toward no problem and no worries at the expense of you're welcome . Meanwhile, a change in stylistic stratification is also taking place: for older speakers, no problem is a less formal response, suitable pri…
Escaping the Trap
We examine the loss of the Northern Cities Shift raising of trap in Ogdensburg, a small city in rural northern New York. Although data from 2008 showed robust trap -raising among young people in Ogdensburg, in data collected in 2016 no speakers clear the 700-Hz threshold for NCS participation in F1 of trap —a seemingly very rapid real-time change. We find apparent-time change in style-shifting: although older people raise trap more in wordlist re…
What’s Really Happening to Short-Abeforelin Philadelphia
The phonemic split of short-a into low, lax /æ/ and raised, tense /æh/ is one of the distinctive phonological features of the Philadelphia dialect. Studies over the past 25 years have argued that /æ/ is in the process of being replaced by /æh/ in words in which it appears before /l/, such as alley and personality, via a process of lexical diffusion. However, this article argues that the foregoing is a misinterpretation of the changes affecting /æ…
The effect of outliers on the perception of sound change
The role of outliers in vowel distributions is examined through an experiment that registers subjects' assessments of symmetrical and asymmetrical distributions. Subjects first scaled their subjective impressions of a series of six resynthesized tokens of the word bad ranging from low front to upper mid front. They were then asked to register on this scale their overall impressions of four series of five phrases including bad: low symmetrical, lo…
Gradience, allophony, and chain shifts
The monophthongization of /ay/ in the Southern United States is disfavored by following voiceless consonants ( price ) relative to voiced or word-final environments ( prize ). If monophthongization is the trigger for the Southern Shift (Labov, 2010) and chain shifts operate as predicted by a modular feedforward phonological theory (cf. Bermúdez-Otero, 2007), this implies price and prize must be two ends of a phonetic continuum, rather than two di…
The Foot of the Lake
In 2013, Dinkin reported an unexpectedly sharp dialect boundary in northern New York between the communities of Ogdensburg and Canton in St. Lawrence County: Ogdensburg exhibited the Northern Cities Vowel Shift (NCS) and very little evidence of the low back merger, while Canton showed low back merger nearing completion and no NCS. This article investigates the nature of this dialect boundary via new sociolinguistic interview data from eight neigh…
The effect of outliers on the perception of sound change
The role of outliers in vowel distributions is examined through an experiment that registers subjects' assessments of symmetrical and asymmetrical distributions. Subjects first scaled their subjective impressions of a series of six resynthesized tokens of the word bad ranging from low front to upper mid front. They were then asked to register on this scale their overall impressions of four series of five phrases including bad: low symmetrical, lo…
Weakening resistance
This paper examines the status of the low back caught-cot merger in Upstate New York. Most of this region is subject to the Northern Cities Shift (NCS) and therefore, according to Labov, Ash, and Boberg (2006), ostensibly “resists” the spread of this merger. It is found that the phonology of this region is indeed trending toward the merger in apparent time, in terms of both phonetic distance between the two phonemes and speakers' explicit judgmen…
What’s Really Happening to Short-Abeforelin Philadelphia
The phonemic split of short-a into low, lax /æ/ and raised, tense /æh/ is one of the distinctive phonological features of the Philadelphia dialect. Studies over the past 25 years have argued that /æ/ is in the process of being replaced by /æh/ in words in which it appears before /l/, such as alley and personality, via a process of lexical diffusion. However, this article argues that the foregoing is a misinterpretation of the changes affecting /æ…
Variant-centered variation and the like conspiracy
The conventional methodology of variationist linguistics foregrounds the variable as the object of study: each variant is situated in the envelope of variation against the other variants it competes with. This paper argues that it is necessary to look beyond the context of the alternations a variant participates in in order to get a full picture of the factors affecting variation. The multi-functional variant like is used as a case study to illus…
Is like like like
We explore the linguistic variant – as opposed to the variable – as the object of sociolinguistic perception. The sociolinguistic principle of accountability, in centering the variable as a choice between variants, implicitly models variation from the perspective of the speaker, who makes that choice. But is it a good model for the perception of sociolinguistic meaning on the part of the listener? This paper reports the results of a matched-guise…
Gradience, allophony, and chain shifts
The monophthongization of /ay/ in the Southern United States is disfavored by following voiceless consonants ( price ) relative to voiced or word-final environments ( prize ). If monophthongization is the trigger for the Southern Shift (Labov, 2010) and chain shifts operate as predicted by a modular feedforward phonological theory (cf. Bermúdez-Otero, 2007), this implies price and prize must be two ends of a phonetic continuum, rather than two di…
It's no problem to be polite
This paper reports a rapid and anonymous study of apparent‐time change in Toronto among the use of expressions such as you're welcome and no problem as responses to thanks , thank you , and thank you very much . We observe change in progress toward no problem and no worries at the expense of you're welcome . Meanwhile, a change in stylistic stratification is also taking place: for older speakers, no problem is a less formal response, suitable pri…
Escaping the Trap
We examine the loss of the Northern Cities Shift raising of trap in Ogdensburg, a small city in rural northern New York. Although data from 2008 showed robust trap -raising among young people in Ogdensburg, in data collected in 2016 no speakers clear the 700-Hz threshold for NCS participation in F1 of trap —a seemingly very rapid real-time change. We find apparent-time change in style-shifting: although older people raise trap more in wordlist re…
The Foot of the Lake
In 2013, Dinkin reported an unexpectedly sharp dialect boundary in northern New York between the communities of Ogdensburg and Canton in St. Lawrence County: Ogdensburg exhibited the Northern Cities Vowel Shift (NCS) and very little evidence of the low back merger, while Canton showed low back merger nearing completion and no NCS. This article investigates the nature of this dialect boundary via new sociolinguistic interview data from eight neigh…
Generational Phases
This paper reports on a new sociolinguistic sample of Cooperstown, a village in rural central New York. Previous research suggested Cooperstown was losing the Northern Cities Shift (NCS) and acquiring the low back merger via koineization as a result of dialect contact among locally-born children of parents from other regions. The new data shows abrupt retreat from NCS patterns between the Baby Boom generation and Generation X. A “phase transition…
Local Attitudes and Dialect Change in a Tourist Town
Sociophonetics on the Silver Screen
Book Review| February 01 2024 Sociophonetics on the Silver Screen Accent in North American Film and Television: A Sociophonetic Analysis. By Boberg, Charles. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Pp. xvii + 359. ISBN 978-1-107-15044-7; $135 (ebk $135) Aaron J. Dinkin Aaron J. Dinkin San Diego State University AARON J. DINKIN is an associate professor in the Department of Linguistics and Asian/Middle Eastern Languages at San Diego State Univ…
When Palms Are in Your THOUGHTs, You Head South
In New Orleans, there is a White, working-class dialect of English, sometimes called Yat, that has several notable similarities with that of New York City. These similarities have been argued to be the result of nineteenth-century dialect contact between residents of the two cities. Examining the distribution of low-back vowels in the vowel systems of 57 speakers of the New Orleans Yat dialect, the authors argue that patterning of the palm vowel …
Making a Merger
The merger of lot and thought , sometimes called the low-back merger, is a feature rapidly spreading across North America, even in locales historically resistant to the merger. New Orleans English has historically retained the lot/thought distinction due to raised thought , a feature more common to the mid-Atlantic region than the American South. In this study, we examine the relationship between lot and thought in a sample of fifty-seven speaker…
Searching for homophony avoidance in English coronal stop deletion
It is well-known that English variable word-final coronal stop deletion (CSD) is less likely to occur when the final coronal stop instantiates the inflectional suffix -ed . It is sometimes hypothesised that the reason for this effect is to avoid the homophony between past and present tenses that would result from the suffix -ed being deleted. This reasoning suggests another hypothesis: that CSD should also be disfavoured when it would create homo…
Linguistic Variation and Morphology (14 obras) · Multilingual Education and Policy (12 obras) · Linguistics (10 obras) · Phonetics and Phonology Research (10 obras) · History (7 obras) · Computer Science (6 obras) · Philosophy (6 obras) · Psychology (6 obras) · Geography (5 obras) · History (5 obras)