William M Reisinger
Dados Biográficos
| ID | 2598971 |
|---|---|
| NOME | William M Reisinger |
| PRENOMES | William M |
| SOBRENOME | Reisinger |
| ASSINATURA | REISINGER W M |
| AFILIAÇÕES | University of Iowa |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-8899-6089 |
| VERIFICADO | Sim |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 43 |
| TOTAL DE CITAÇÕES | 555 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 42 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 1 |
| PRIMEIRO ANO DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 1983 |
| ANO MAIS RECENTE DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 2026 |
| ÍNDICE H | 13 |
A Comparative Historical Sociology of Corruption
This volume renews the study of corruption as 'embedded' in ongoing social relations. Instead of treating corruption as a universal phenomenon, A Comparative Historical Sociology of Corruption shows how corruption is often morally ambiguous and deeply intertwined with the social, political and economic struggles of particular groups in specific times and places. Ranging from Early Modernity to the present day, and spanning across the globe, the b…
The Political Ramifications of Corruption Experience for Political Trust and Pro-Leadership Voting
How do citizens’ experiences of corruption affect their political trust and voting behavior? By analyzing a nationally representative survey of Russian citizens conducted a few months after the 2018 presidential election, we find that citizens who engaged in street-level bureaucratic corruption in the preceding two years assess the national leadership as more corrupt and express lower trust in them. This association between corruption engagement …
Fear of punishment as a driver of survey misreporting and item non-response in Russia and its neighbors
Following its February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, the Russian government sharply broadened what actions were illegal and raised the level of punishment. Many more topics of interest to survey researchers became politically sensitive. Questions about these topics may generate high levels of misleading responses and question-specific (item) non-responses, both of which introduce biases that undermine inference. We use survey data from 2015 and 2018 …
Explaining Putin’s impunity
While corruption of different types has been shown to lower popular political trust in democratic regimes, evidence from non-democracies remains inconsistent. In some post-Soviet countries, for instance, widespread bribery and nepotism in the government co-exist with enduring popularity of top political leadership. Drawing on an unusually nuanced dataset from Russia (N = 2, 350), we show that, in general, encounters with corruption in the public …
Popular Legal Attitudes and the Political Order
Using data from nationally representative surveys in 2015 in Georgia, Russia and Ukraine, we show that legal attitudes are shaped by experiences within a country’s specific political-legal order. Many who expressed support for legality when their own needs were at stake became more willing to evade the law when reminded of elites doing so. And, in an authoritarian, rule-by-law setting, expressed respect for legality correlates negatively with sup…
Public Opinion and Regime Change
Pathways to Corruption
Though bureaucratic corruption is widespread, social scientists have yet to develop a comprehensive model predicting ordinary people’s engagement in corrupt exchanges with street-level bureaucrats. Our article fills this gap by specifying an individual-level causal model of bureaucratic corruption centered around three theoretically derived predictors: beliefs about acceptability of corruption, its perceived riskiness, and its utility to the offe…
When civil engagement is part of the problem
In developing countries, the fight against corruption entails purges of political and business elites and the restructuring of electoral, financial, and social provision systems, all of which are costly for the incumbents and, therefore, unlikely without sustained pressure from civil society. In the absence of empirical analyses, scholars and practitioners have, therefore, assumes that civil society plays an unequivocally positive role in anticor…
Russia's energy diplomacy with China
Russia's growing energy cooperation with China is central to several of Moscow's top foreign-policy objectives. Analyzing what drives Russia's energy diplomacy with China can therefore shed important light on the dynamics of Russian foreign policy-making. We go beyond other recent studies of this topic by examining the role of domestic political influences and the countries’ bilateral interactions. We show that personalist elements influence both…
Tsar Putin and the “corruption” thorn in his side
The Regional Roots of Russia's Political Regime
In The Regional Roots of Russia's Political Regime, William M. Reisinger and Bryon J. Moraski examine Russian politics at the subnational level in order to discover why democracy failed to take root and how Putin's authoritarian regime materialized. Since the national regime needed dominant victories in federal legislative and presidential elections, elections were critical to the resurgence of Russian authoritarianism. At the same time, victorie…
Does everyday corruption affect how Russians view their political leadership
Do Russians’ personal experiences with corruption influence how they evaluate their political leaders and, if so, in what direction? In addressing this question, we focus specifically on small-scale corruption that arises when Russians encounter employees of service provision organizations. We analyze survey data gathered in the summer of 2015 from Russia to trace the links between personal corrupt behavior and political attitudes. We show that p…
Eroding Democracy
Under some conditions, electoral politics may undermine democratization, even when the elections themselves adequately meet the usual standards. To illustrate this point, the article examines the dynamics of gubernatorial elections held in the 89 regions that comprise the Russian Federation during the first term of President Vladimir Putin. The analysis considers whether pressure from the federal executive and strategic changes in election timing…
Explaining Electoral Competition across Russia's Regions
Russia can only be considered an electoral democracy to the extent that its constituent parts also fit this classification. In this article, Bryon J. Moraski and William M. Reisinger assess how well competing theories drawn from the literature on democratization explain the variation across Russia's regions in their progress toward competitive electoral politics. Their analysis reveals that distinctions among the regions in their social structure…
The Gender Divide in Russian Politics
In this article, we revisit the question of the gender divide in Russian politics. The starting point of our analysis is the observed gender differences in voting in the 1995 parliamentary elections. The article is devoted to an evaluation of the reasons for the observed differences in party support. We document the fact that women, on average, believe more strongly than men that women should play an equal role in running the state. In addition, …
The gender divide in Russian politics
Emerging Party Systems in Post-Soviet Societies
The political science literature reflects two viewpoints regarding the formation of party systems in post-Soviet societies. Scholars drawing on traditional theories of party formation usually argue that the formation of institutionalized party systems in post-Communist states will be an extended process. However, newer studies reveal that parties, partisan support, and even party systems may form relatively quickly. To illuminate this debate, we …
Social Identities in Russia, Ukraine, and Lithuania
Political party development in divided societies
Establishing representation in post-Soviet societies
The Russian 1996 presidential election
Russians and the legal system
Whether the Russian judiciary grows more or less effective will depend on how Russians behave within and towards legal institutions. Surveys of Russians' views towards the legal system at the end of the Soviet period and in the early post‐Soviet years reveal much concern about the state of legality in the country and little familiarity with legal institutions and authorities. In each of three years, over half of the respondents believed that viol…
The Sources of Support for Separatism
The replacement of the Soviet Union by independent states rather than by a loose confederation of component republics reflects (in part) the demands for change that were being expressed by mass publics. What caused the people to reject decentralisation of authority within the existing state structure and chose rather to support movements that insisted on the establishment of independent states? We examine whether concerns about ‘discriminatory re…
Conceptions of Democracy Among Mass and Elite in Post-Soviet Societies
What do citizens and political leaders have in mind when they think about democracy? This article deals with the relationship between different conceptions of democracy and the level of support for democracy among both ordinary citizens and political elites in two post-Soviet countries, Russia and Ukraine.Data collected through personal interviews in 1992 and 1995 reveal that the mass and elite in these post-socialist countries hold different con…
Understanding Political Change in Post-Soviet Societies
Modernization theory suggests that in the post–World War II period increased education promoted public support for democratic principles and an individual opportunities society in the former Soviet Union. Finifter and Mickiewicz (1992), however, based on a 1989 survey in the Soviet Union, found that the less well educated were more supportive of individual locus of control than were the better educated. Examining survey data collected in the form…
Conceptions of Democracy Among Mass and Elite in Post-Soviet Societies
What do citizens and political leaders have in mind when they think about democracy? This article deals with the relationship between different conceptions of democracy and the level of support for democracy among both ordinary citizens and political elites in two post-Soviet countries, Russia and Ukraine.Data collected through personal interviews in 1992 and 1995 reveal that the mass and elite in these post-socialist countries hold different con…
Reassessing Mass Support for Political and Economic Change in the Former USSR
Using survey data collected in Russia, Ukraine, and Lithuanian in 1990-92, we reexamine findings reported by Finifter and Mickiewicz (1992). Our analysis indicates a significant link between political and economic reform orientations. Individuals who prefer political reforms of a democratic nature also favor a decreased role of the state in guaranteeing social well-being. In addition, our finding that better-educated Soviet and post-Soviet citize…
Political Values in Russia, Ukraine and Lithuania
Employing data from three surveys of mass opinion conducted in Lithuania, Ukraine and European Russia during 1990, 1991 and 1992, we examine three prominent but competing hypotheses about the source of political values in the post-Soviet societies: historically derived political culture, regime indoctrination and the effects of societal modernization. The literature on Soviet political culture argues that Russian mass values are distinguished by …
National Entanglements in International Governmental Organizations
There has been a growing propensity among states to associate together in international governmental organizations, or IGOs, for a variety of purposes. Why do states join IGOs, and what are the consequences for states of membership in IGOs? In this analysis, an explanation is sought, drawing on the theory of functionalism espoused by David Mitrany and others, taking into account the number of years a state has had sovereignty, level of technology…
Emerging Party Systems in Post-Soviet Societies
The political science literature reflects two viewpoints regarding the formation of party systems in post-Soviet societies. Scholars drawing on traditional theories of party formation usually argue that the formation of institutionalized party systems in post-Communist states will be an extended process. However, newer studies reveal that parties, partisan support, and even party systems may form relatively quickly. To illuminate this debate, we …
Understanding Political Change in Post-Soviet Societies
Modernization theory suggests that in the post–World War II period increased education promoted public support for democratic principles and an individual opportunities society in the former Soviet Union. Finifter and Mickiewicz (1992), however, based on a 1989 survey in the Soviet Union, found that the less well educated were more supportive of individual locus of control than were the better educated. Examining survey data collected in the form…
Comparing Citizen and Elite Belief Systems in Post-Soviet Russia and Ukraine
No previous research has systematically compared the policy preferences and attitudinal constraint of elites and ordinary citizens in societies undergoing a fundamental change in the form of the government and the economic system. This article utilizes directly comparable survey questions asked of a representative sample of citizens and their parliamentary representatives in two post-Soviet countries, Russia and Ukraine, to determine the degree o…
Explaining Electoral Competition across Russia's Regions
Russia can only be considered an electoral democracy to the extent that its constituent parts also fit this classification. In this article, Bryon J. Moraski and William M. Reisinger assess how well competing theories drawn from the literature on democratization explain the variation across Russia's regions in their progress toward competitive electoral politics. Their analysis reveals that distinctions among the regions in their social structure…
Political party development in divided societies
Does everyday corruption affect how Russians view their political leadership
Do Russians’ personal experiences with corruption influence how they evaluate their political leaders and, if so, in what direction? In addressing this question, we focus specifically on small-scale corruption that arises when Russians encounter employees of service provision organizations. We analyze survey data gathered in the summer of 2015 from Russia to trace the links between personal corrupt behavior and political attitudes. We show that p…
Public Behavior and Political Change in Post-Soviet States
Do the former Soviet societies possess a stratum of citizens sufficiently active--and active in the proper way--to support the consolidation of democracy? What impact did the Soviet regime have on its citizens' predilection for taking political action? Using data from surveys of mass public opinion in Russia, Ukraine, and Lithuania conducted in 1990, 1991, and 1992, we analyze patterns of political participation before and immediately after the b…
East European military expenditures in the 1970s
In late November 1978, Nicolae Ceausescu, general secretary of the Romanian Communist Party, returned to Bucharest from a Moscow meeting of the Warsaw Treaty Organization (WTO). In a series of speeches from 25 November through 1 December, he began to denounce efforts by the Soviet Union to integrate more fully the armies of the WTO members and to get the East European members to increase their defense expenditures. Ceausescu was making a dramatic…
The Renaissance of a Rubric
In recent years, several prominent scholars have attempted to reinvigorate political-culture theory and defend it from the challenge that rational-choice theory poses. Yet the primary threat to the 'renaissance ' of political-culture theory comes not from rational-choice theory but from political culture's continued weakness as concept and theory. Even after the theoretical and empirical defenses provided in recent years, political culture remain…
Fear of punishment as a driver of survey misreporting and item non-response in Russia and its neighbors
Following its February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, the Russian government sharply broadened what actions were illegal and raised the level of punishment. Many more topics of interest to survey researchers became politically sensitive. Questions about these topics may generate high levels of misleading responses and question-specific (item) non-responses, both of which introduce biases that undermine inference. We use survey data from 2015 and 2018 …
Public Opinion and Regime Change
Eroding Democracy
Under some conditions, electoral politics may undermine democratization, even when the elections themselves adequately meet the usual standards. To illustrate this point, the article examines the dynamics of gubernatorial elections held in the 89 regions that comprise the Russian Federation during the first term of President Vladimir Putin. The analysis considers whether pressure from the federal executive and strategic changes in election timing…
Social Identities in Russia, Ukraine, and Lithuania
Mass and Elite Political Outlooks in Post-Soviet Russia
Political scientists have long sought to understand the representation of mass publics by their political leaders. Empirical research has primarily focused on patterns of representation in industrial democracies with es tablished democratic traditions. Post-communist countries like Russia, by contrast, provide the opportunity to examine patterns of and attitudes toward representation in a society in which the electoral institutions and the attitu…
When civil engagement is part of the problem
In developing countries, the fight against corruption entails purges of political and business elites and the restructuring of electoral, financial, and social provision systems, all of which are costly for the incumbents and, therefore, unlikely without sustained pressure from civil society. In the absence of empirical analyses, scholars and practitioners have, therefore, assumes that civil society plays an unequivocally positive role in anticor…
Russia's energy diplomacy with China
Russia's growing energy cooperation with China is central to several of Moscow's top foreign-policy objectives. Analyzing what drives Russia's energy diplomacy with China can therefore shed important light on the dynamics of Russian foreign policy-making. We go beyond other recent studies of this topic by examining the role of domestic political influences and the countries’ bilateral interactions. We show that personalist elements influence both…
The Russian 1996 presidential election
Political norms in rural Russia
IN ANY COUNTRY, the citizens who reside in cities, as opposed to towns and villages, are likely to have a disproportionate visibility in public life and in the mass media. This greater visibility translates into greater influence over perceptions (domestic and foreign) about the nature, pace or style of life characterising that country. Yet paying insufficient attention to rural citizens may bias one's understanding of political dynamics. Certain…
Explaining Putin’s impunity
While corruption of different types has been shown to lower popular political trust in democratic regimes, evidence from non-democracies remains inconsistent. In some post-Soviet countries, for instance, widespread bribery and nepotism in the government co-exist with enduring popularity of top political leadership. Drawing on an unusually nuanced dataset from Russia (N = 2, 350), we show that, in general, encounters with corruption in the public …
The Sources of Support for Separatism
The replacement of the Soviet Union by independent states rather than by a loose confederation of component republics reflects (in part) the demands for change that were being expressed by mass publics. What caused the people to reject decentralisation of authority within the existing state structure and chose rather to support movements that insisted on the establishment of independent states? We examine whether concerns about ‘discriminatory re…
Social Distance from Jews in Russia and Ukraine
With the rise of ultranationalist organizations throughout Europe, the issue of attitudes and orientations held toward designated "out-groups" has become a critical concern of anxious observers. In Russia the strength registered by Vladimir Zhirinovskii's ultranationalist Liberal Democratic Party during the parliamentary elections of 1993 has been interpreted as a sign of intolerance among the Russian populace. In fact, the success of candidates …
East European military expenditures in the 1970s
In late November 1978, Nicolae Ceausescu, general secretary of the Romanian Communist Party, returned to Bucharest from a Moscow meeting of the Warsaw Treaty Organization (WTO). In a series of speeches from 25 November through 1 December, he began to denounce efforts by the Soviet Union to integrate more fully the armies of the WTO members and to get the East European members to increase their defense expenditures. Ceausescu was making a dramatic…
Situational and Motivational Assumptions in Theories of Coalition Formation
Positive theories of coalition formation deduce expected behavior from two kinds of assumptions: those concerning the situation under study and those regarding the actors' motivations. To improve their theorizing, scholars must not make these two types of assumptions independently; the characteristics of the setting within which the coalition forms crucially influence what a rational actor can be expected to do. Five types of payoff settings are …
National Entanglements in International Governmental Organizations
There has been a growing propensity among states to associate together in international governmental organizations, or IGOs, for a variety of purposes. Why do states join IGOs, and what are the consequences for states of membership in IGOs? In this analysis, an explanation is sought, drawing on the theory of functionalism espoused by David Mitrany and others, taking into account the number of years a state has had sovereignty, level of technology…
X 2 Games of Commitment in World Politics
This note expands on a recent article in International Studies Quarterly by Maoz and Felsenthal (1987) that discusses self-binding commitment by actors in three different 2×2 games. I augment their work by adding nine more 2×2 games in which self-binding commitment can be beneficial. In the three games presented by Maoz and Felsenthal, only one party has an incentive to make a self-binding commitment, that commitment is to a dominated strategy, a…
Defense allocations in Eastern Europe
To investigate the influence of international and domestic factors on the defense spending of the East European members of the Warsaw Pact, we evaluate competing hypotheses of 1) intra‐alliance dynamics and 2) the effect of changes in political leadership. We analyze data from 1965–1982, both pooled and for each state individually. We conclude that the defense spending of the Pact members does not go primarily toward the purchase of Pact‐wide det…
The International Regime of Soviet-East European Economic Relations
In recent years, scholars of international relations have realized how poor have been their predictions, based on relative military or economic strength, of the outcome of negotiations or disputes. The strong often do not prevail or must compromise to a surprising extent. The Soviet Union's relations with its six East European allies have also exhibited this phenomenon. Even during the period when Soviet leaders were committed to maintaining cont…
Troubleshooters, Political Machines, and Moscow's Regional Control
Since the beginning of Soviet power, national leaders have been concerned with controlling the diverse regions that make up the Soviet Union. They have used many means, including coercion, to extend their influence over the localities. Lower-level party officials, especially regional first secretaries, have been crucial links between the national regime and the periphery. These officials juggle a complex set of political and economic responsibili…
Energy and the Soviet Bloc
Comment on Brym and Degtyarev's Discussion of Anti-Semitism in Moscow
Brym and Degtyarev argue that in the "volatile" post-Soviet context, the potential for anti-Semitism is high. On the basis of responses drawn from 988 interviews conducted in Moscow in 1992 they conclude that the number of anti-Semites in Moscow is much higher than in the United States or Canada, and they also conclude that anti-Semitic orientations are part of a broader authoritarian, xenophobic and illiberal set of attitudes.
Political Values in Russia, Ukraine and Lithuania
Employing data from three surveys of mass opinion conducted in Lithuania, Ukraine and European Russia during 1990, 1991 and 1992, we examine three prominent but competing hypotheses about the source of political values in the post-Soviet societies: historically derived political culture, regime indoctrination and the effects of societal modernization. The literature on Soviet political culture argues that Russian mass values are distinguished by …
Social Distance from Jews in Russia and Ukraine
With the rise of ultranationalist organizations throughout Europe, the issue of attitudes and orientations held toward designated "out-groups" has become a critical concern of anxious observers. In Russia the strength registered by Vladimir Zhirinovskii's ultranationalist Liberal Democratic Party during the parliamentary elections of 1993 has been interpreted as a sign of intolerance among the Russian populace. In fact, the success of candidates …
Reassessing Mass Support for Political and Economic Change in the Former USSR
Using survey data collected in Russia, Ukraine, and Lithuanian in 1990-92, we reexamine findings reported by Finifter and Mickiewicz (1992). Our analysis indicates a significant link between political and economic reform orientations. Individuals who prefer political reforms of a democratic nature also favor a decreased role of the state in guaranteeing social well-being. In addition, our finding that better-educated Soviet and post-Soviet citize…
Political norms in rural Russia
IN ANY COUNTRY, the citizens who reside in cities, as opposed to towns and villages, are likely to have a disproportionate visibility in public life and in the mass media. This greater visibility translates into greater influence over perceptions (domestic and foreign) about the nature, pace or style of life characterising that country. Yet paying insufficient attention to rural citizens may bias one's understanding of political dynamics. Certain…
The Renaissance of a Rubric
In recent years, several prominent scholars have attempted to reinvigorate political-culture theory and defend it from the challenge that rational-choice theory poses. Yet the primary threat to the 'renaissance ' of political-culture theory comes not from rational-choice theory but from political culture's continued weakness as concept and theory. Even after the theoretical and empirical defenses provided in recent years, political culture remain…
The Road to Post-Communism
The beginnings of independent political activity the evolution of independent political movements after 1988 the rebirth of politics in Russia the return of St Petersburg the Russian labour movement 1989-91 - the mirage of a Russian Solidarnosc the rise and fall of the Georgian nationalist movement popular movements in Estonia triumph and foreboding. Appendix: list of organizations
Public Behavior and Political Change in Post-Soviet States
Do the former Soviet societies possess a stratum of citizens sufficiently active--and active in the proper way--to support the consolidation of democracy? What impact did the Soviet regime have on its citizens' predilection for taking political action? Using data from surveys of mass public opinion in Russia, Ukraine, and Lithuania conducted in 1990, 1991, and 1992, we analyze patterns of political participation before and immediately after the b…
Comparing Citizen and Elite Belief Systems in Post-Soviet Russia and Ukraine
No previous research has systematically compared the policy preferences and attitudinal constraint of elites and ordinary citizens in societies undergoing a fundamental change in the form of the government and the economic system. This article utilizes directly comparable survey questions asked of a representative sample of citizens and their parliamentary representatives in two post-Soviet countries, Russia and Ukraine, to determine the degree o…
Understanding Political Change in Post-Soviet Societies
Modernization theory suggests that in the post–World War II period increased education promoted public support for democratic principles and an individual opportunities society in the former Soviet Union. Finifter and Mickiewicz (1992), however, based on a 1989 survey in the Soviet Union, found that the less well educated were more supportive of individual locus of control than were the better educated. Examining survey data collected in the form…
Mass and Elite Political Outlooks in Post-Soviet Russia
Political scientists have long sought to understand the representation of mass publics by their political leaders. Empirical research has primarily focused on patterns of representation in industrial democracies with es tablished democratic traditions. Post-communist countries like Russia, by contrast, provide the opportunity to examine patterns of and attitudes toward representation in a society in which the electoral institutions and the attitu…
Russians and the legal system
Whether the Russian judiciary grows more or less effective will depend on how Russians behave within and towards legal institutions. Surveys of Russians' views towards the legal system at the end of the Soviet period and in the early post‐Soviet years reveal much concern about the state of legality in the country and little familiarity with legal institutions and authorities. In each of three years, over half of the respondents believed that viol…
The Sources of Support for Separatism
The replacement of the Soviet Union by independent states rather than by a loose confederation of component republics reflects (in part) the demands for change that were being expressed by mass publics. What caused the people to reject decentralisation of authority within the existing state structure and chose rather to support movements that insisted on the establishment of independent states? We examine whether concerns about ‘discriminatory re…
Conceptions of Democracy Among Mass and Elite in Post-Soviet Societies
What do citizens and political leaders have in mind when they think about democracy? This article deals with the relationship between different conceptions of democracy and the level of support for democracy among both ordinary citizens and political elites in two post-Soviet countries, Russia and Ukraine.Data collected through personal interviews in 1992 and 1995 reveal that the mass and elite in these post-socialist countries hold different con…
Social Identities in Russia, Ukraine, and Lithuania
Political party development in divided societies
Establishing representation in post-Soviet societies
Political science (42 obras) · Politics (39 obras) · Law (37 obras) · Law (34 obras) · Political economy (31 obras) · Sociology (29 obras) · Economics (25 obras) · Democracy (20 obras) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (15 obras) · Political Conflict and Governance (12 obras)